Secretariat Vacancies

The NCAFC National Committee are looking to fill the two remaining seats on the NCAFC Secretariat.

The Secretariat are elected by the NC and exist to both facilitate the work of the NC and run NCAFC’s democratic events. This means that they organise NCAFC Conference, act as returning officers, and support the NC through the administration of meetings. The Secretariat sit on the NC but don’t have a vote. They are allowed to be full political agents in meetings and in public (as long as they’re not chairing).

Holding the position is a significant time commitment and comes with very little authority. Think Bob Cratchit from A Christmas Carol. Most of the role is communicating with different individuals and staring at word documents for hours on end putting text in the right place.

What it would be useful to have:

  • A working understanding of NCAFC’s democratic structures
  • A strong understanding of NCAFC’s debate procedures
  • Strong organisational skills
  • Free time
  • Experience of having sat on boards or committees (excluding society and sports club committees)

Eligibility:

You must be a member of NCAFC but can not currently hold a position on the NC.

If you’re interested in running please email [email protected] with at most a 200 word statement, by Sunday the 21st at 6pm, on why you’d be good for the job and a ballot of the NC will be conducted online.

 

You can also email [email protected] with any questions about the role.

Leaked: NUS internal report exposes undemocratic structures

Edd Bauer NUS Trustee

 

Two of the most inspiring and important speeches I watched at the recent National Union of Students (NUS) Annual Conference was Naomi Beecroft & Sam Gaus speaking for the Inanimate Carbon Rod. These speeches although treated by many as joke are in fact heartfelt pleas for a very different union. Many are unaware that the organisation is no longer democratic. Mandates passed at conference to fight for free education, stand up for liberation campaigns, organise FE student walkouts are ignored in favour of corporate targets set behind the scenes. These corporate targets are not even working in favour of students’ needs, rather the needs of the bureaucracy. 

Too often governance of the NUS is hidden and in protest as a trustee of the NUS I’m leaking this document (also can be found embedded at end of this report), which shows the undemocratic ways in which the NUS’s priorities are decided. Key targets are being set to meet the needs of a increasing managerial bureaucracy  by the unelected trustee board 

The student movement is being pulled in two different directions: there are the needs and desires of the students on the one hand, and the needs and desires of (for want of a better word)the bureaucracy” on the other. The student movement has a huge bureaucracy attached. Not only is the NUS a large institution with 220 staff, £15m turnover and a Chief Executive on £100k p/a, but many of its member student unions – especially those within the Russell Group & 1994 group – have grown similar size bureaucracies. Many local SUs employ 400 staff each and have turnovers of between £5-10m p/a. Add to this dozens of smaller students’ unions (all of them providing welfare services, leisure activities, bars and political representation to the student body) and you have a huge third sector industry in which thousands of people work and hundreds of professionals make lifelong careers as student union managers and executives.

The undemocratic system of strategic planing.

This layer of student union managers and executives are knowledgeable and, importantly, around for the long term (longer than most student activists are at university for). Due to this, they have become undeniably influential. By virtue of that influence within, they set the agenda within the NUS (a body which depends on local student unions for funding and legitimacy).

The NUS suffered a disaffiliation crisis in the early noughties with dozens of big unions leaving it, and joining a high profile ‘NO2NUS’ campaign. To avoid a repeat of this in its own words it has “professionalised” and set itself KPIs (Key Performance Indicators) which are monitored through the unelected non-student Trustee Board to ensure that a crisis like this does not take place again. Central to these is the “Satisfaction” KPI (targeted at 80%) and the “Value For Money” (target 55%).

From the NUS’s perspective keeping student union managers happy is a key goal. For, despite the fact that these positions are supposedly apolitical, it would not be surprising if (within this group of managers) the NUS became perceived negatively, and that the rate of disaffiliations would thus increase. If staff members with the ear of full-time student sabbatical officers and student activists across the country gave disaffiliation proposals ‘the nod’, it probably wouldn’t bode well for the NUS.

As such, in ascertaining how the NUS is perceived and if the NUS has achieved its perception KPIs, the NUS also surveys student union managerial staff. In fact in the annual members perception survey student union staff were the single largest group of respondents 48% (n=208) of the total; student officers 39% (n=168); full-time (sabbatical officers) 24% (n=105); part-time (student officers) 15% (n=63).

From the results, it can be seen that if the NUS is to meet its KPI of having an overall satisfaction rating of 80% from student union staff and students, then it has to contend with the problematic fact that these different groups have different expectations of the NUS.

To work out what it should do to earn a satisfaction rating of 80%, the NUS poses to SU managers and SU student officers a series of phrases including: “democratic”, “campaigning”, “ethical”, “professional”, “supportive”, “cost effective”, “valuing equality”, “collectivist”, “measured”, “rebellious”, “relevant”, “traditional”, “divided”. It then asks the degree to which these phrases are associated with their satisfaction with the NUS, and then the degree to which they associate the word with the NUS.

So for example “rebellious” gets a 9% positive association but only 19% of people associate it with the NUS, while “traditional” garners a 12% negative association and 41% of people associate it with the NUS. “Supportive” gets 63% for both positive association and association with the NUS. The NUS’s methodology for enacting this data is supposedly that if an item has association above 60% positive then its correlation is strong enough to be worth pursuing, and if it could be more associated with the NUS then it could push satisfaction up.

From the most recent survey two target areas were identified “There are two attributes that have a clear relationship with overall satisfaction (correlation of over 0.60), that actually are showing room for improvement in terms of association: ‘supportive’ and ‘achieving’. Associations with ‘supportive’ are there at 63% however they could be dialled up. This was covered somewhat in section 4.5. Satisfaction with direct support. ‘Achieving’ perceptions are around half (53%). Publishing NUS wins more widely could go some way to improving this score”. So according to the survey at glance, what is needed is more comforting glossy leaflets explaining all the good things the NUS has done and all the good services the NUS can do for students’ unions. To anyone who has seen the increasingly glossy produce of the NUS in recent years this might not seem surprising.

This overall picture of positive/negative associations and degree of association with the NUS can be seen below.

NUSperception1

 

This, however, is the picture of student officer and SU manager combined when these data sets are split up the picture becomes more interesting and complex.

 

here is the breakdown for SU staff.

NUS perception staff

here is the graph for Full-Time Sabbatical Officers.

NUS perception sabbs

 

here is the Part-Time Non-Sabbatical Officers graph.

NUS perception non sabbs

 

I’m sure people can take what they want out of these graphs. However, I think the important thing to note is that there is a very significant difference in terms of the positive association of student officers (part-time and full-time) and that of SU staff. To list a few, while “rebellious” registers a 0% correlation with satisfaction amongst SU managers, it registers a 20% positive rating amongst non-sabbatical officers and 10% positive rating amongst sabbatical officers. For SU Managers, the phrases “democratic” and “campaigning” only score +15%, whereas amongst students it gets between +55-60%.

For SU managers, the top 5 phrases that are most positively associated are “professional” “achieving”, “supportive” “effective/cost effective” and “efficient”.

For student officers (part-time and full-time) the top 5 are “campaigning”, “democratic”, “achieving”, “approachable” and “supportive”.

The needs of students activists vs the demands of the bureaucracy

The demands and needs of the students active within the NUS by and large tend towards a desire to see a democratic and campaigning union. For NUS to campaign hard and to be democratic is a proposal that sounds very attractive to most students, however it is not a vision that we will see enacted while the NUS undemocratically works to meet the demands of the bureaucracy. The SU bureaucracy doesn’t seek democracy and campaigns, it seeks a more cost effective and professional NUS.

When membership at conference calls a national demonstration against the scrapping of EMA, £9k tuition fees and education cuts, instead of putting large amounts of funding into our clear political message which people can rally behind, the NUS bureaucracy creates a bland and inoffensive corporate message “Educate, Empower, Employ”; a message so bland that it can please student union managers and bosses and some students, who see it as an respectable campaign that is not “too political”. However these messages designed for a professional SU bureaucracy are deeply out of touch with students looking for a clear political message and campaign from the NUS.

Part of the problem is that by seeking “satisfaction” rather than aiming for tangible gains for the student body (like reducing fees, for example) the system is producing Orwellian answers and ‘solutions. For example, in response to low satisfaction for “support” from the NUS, the report recommends that “it can be deduced that improved training will increase overall loyalty and contentment” . Student organisations should not be asking themselves how they can best produce “loyalty and contentment” towards themselves from students and staff, but rather how training can help equip activists to take on the government and college/university bosses when they are destroying opportunities for young people.

We have come to a point in the NUS where the bureaucracy is so powerful that it straddles the movement, stifling it. The needs of students for a genuinely effective, democratic fighting force are replaced by the desires of the bureaucracy to have a professional and cost-effective organisation. Its all very well having professional and cost-effective organisation, but what is the point if this professional and cost-effective organisation doesn’t achieve tangible gains? The bureaucracy is expanding to meet the needs of the expanding bureaucracy…” comes to mind; or the more accurate adaptationThe bureaucracy is professionalising to meet the needs of the professionalised bureaucracy.”

There are some activists now in the NUS fighting to democratise the organisation, but they face a mammoth  task against deeply entrenched interests.  In the long-term it may well be impossible for the NUS to be reclaimed, but dynamic organisations like the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts, which fight unconstrained by entrenched bureaucracies using more democratic and student-led methods of organising, may well have the capacity to replace it.

NUS Member Perception by Edward Bauer

Manipulation & misrepresentation: £100k is over paid.

By Edd Bauer NUS Trustee

Last Thursday, Liam Burns NUS President decided to write in defence of his decision to give a pay rise of 16.27% to the NUS Chief Executive, bringing the salary of the post up to six figures: £100k. Naomi Beecroft was hot off the mark in producing a strong article against Liams case the pay rise. In addition to the excellent case laid out by Naomi, I wish to outline how the justifications posited by Liam fail, in the context of the standards that he himself sets.

Liam’s defence of the pay rise ultimately rests on the idea that the best candidates for a job must be attracted with high salaries, and that the size of the salary is in line with other comparable companies. Looking at dramatic graphs like this one produced for the Association of Chief Executives in Voluntary Organisations (ACEVO) (in its annual salary survey) which shows an increase for the top paid in the charity sector in the last decade. There is a strong case for organisations like the NUS to show leadership in restraining pay at the top and not just go along with the average.

Charity sector CEO salary. Rising dramatically.

Charity sector CEO salary. Rising dramatically.

Looking at the figures, it still appears that Liam has given an excessive pay rise and is simply cherry picking stats and playing with the numbers to justify it. A more balanced look at the figures shows that an average pay packet for the NUS chief executive would definitely not be £100k.

In his blog Liam quotes, “The Association of Chief Executives in Voluntary Organisations (ACEVO) salary survey cites that the median salary for CEOs of £15m+ charities to be £90,000 and in addition there is a 17% mark up for London-based organisations.  The NUS Group turnover is currently £17m in total and in addition there is a £70m purchasing consortium.  Not only in terms of our size, but also our breadth and reach, our commercial activity, our stakeholder complexity and membership size make this a much ‘bigger job’ than many of its counterparts in that income bracket.”

Liam tries to claim that the NUS is far bigger than it is by manipulating numbers; he is in fact using one figure twice. Here is the actual NUS financial breakdown, given at the most recent Trustee Board meeting.

NUS Turnover

First, the actual total turnover is £15,542,725m, not £17m as Liam claims. Second, the £70m purchasing consortium is part of this £15m. NUS Services Limited may have around £70m bought through its catalogue each year, but its actual turnover is £4,566,250 which is listed as part of the total £15,542,725. Third, the purchasing consortium (NUS Services Ltd) is not fully NUS-owned, the NUS merely holds a 25% share in it, with student unions across the country holding the rest. The NUS is a £15m charity at best if you include the part-owned NUSSL. If you don’t, it’s value decreases to around £12m. The NUS is simply not as big as Liam claims by touting huge figures like £17m + £70m! He is playing around with numbers to justify high wages, and in doing so misleading NUS members.

Further, with regard to his reference to the ACEVO pay survey for Chief Executives in Volutary Organisations, I managed to get a copy of this and discovered that again Liam is clearly cherry-picking figures. To calculate the comparable average salary Liam takes the average for organisations of £15m+ charities and then adds the 17% mark up for London, arriving at a salary around the £100k mark. Let’s imagine for a moment that NUS is indeed worth £15m, as he claims. If we look at other indicators, one measure the report uses is number of employees to manage. For 1000+ staff the average is £125k; for 500-999 the average is £95k; for 200-499 the average is £81,500. The NUS has 220 staff and only just gets into this lower bracket. Using the same report that Liam cites, there is an equally valid argument for a salary much lower than the average £90k, surely?

The NUS is in real terms, when you consider its relationship with NUSSL, a charity in the £5-15m bracket. The average salary for CEOs of charities in this bracket is £78k. Including the London mark up, and taking into account the number of staff, there appears to be little justification for a salary amounting to £100k which would seem to the wage of larger organisation with more staff and resources. A fair figure for the actual average is more likely to be around the £80-90k mark. This is including the mark up for living in London, the point of which I fail to see any value in. For the low paid the London wage mark up is vital, but for the high paid it is just extra money. I think the key point is that Liam is demonstrably massaging the figures to justify what is an clearly extravagant pay increase.

Liam in this blog has claimed that I’m “organisationally naïve” and “politically inconsistent”. It is Liam who is being inconsistent. Trying to claim that the NUS is worth £17m + £70m for NUSSL is patently ridiculous and a obvious attempt to mislead. I think is also more naive to set pay in relation to organisations that are not at all like the NUS and get ripped off in the process.

In his blog he compares the pay to eight other voluntary sector organisations and their size, but he doesn’t say who they are. I’ve listed them here:

Drinkaware Trust – income circa £5m, CEO salary £105,000. Young Enterprise – income circa £5m, CEO salary circa £125,000. The Conservation Volunteers – income circa £20m, CEO salary circa £120,000. British Lung Foundation – income circa £8m, CEO salary £120,000. YMCA England – income circa £22m, CEO salary £80,000-£90,000. The National Youth Agency – income circa £6m, CEO salary £90,000-£100,000. The Terrence Higgins Trust – income circa £20m, CEO Salary £80,000-£90,000. The Challenge Network – income circa £15m, CEO salary £80,000.

I do not think the National Union of Students is really an organisation like these organisations. In most cases they are not member-led, unlike the NUS which is supposed to be a democratic grassroots organisation. The NUS has bodies like the elected National Executive Council and the National Conference which give the organisation strategic direction and leadership. It also has the services of all the elected full time officers which run it. Other charities don’t have these democratic leadership structures in place. In light of this distinction, it is clear that the NUS Chief Executive should hold a significantly smaller role in the organisation. Accordingly, the pay should be lower relative to other non-democratic organisations where the CEO is a much more central figure.

In setting CEO pay the NUS should look to the hundreds of similar organisations that comprise it, the largest student unions have a similar turnover and actually employ a lot more staff than the NUS does. They pay their CEO between £60k-70k Should we not be looking to pay the head of the NUS just over 70k, in light of this? To do so would save a lot from the current £100k total, and there would be a large pool of student union CEOs to fill the position on those wages. The previous NUS CEO Matt Hyde was recruited to the NUS Chief Exec job (worth then around £70k), and he took it from a position of being CEO of a student union. According to the NUS he did a good job. Would this not be more realistic than paying through the nose for someone with no history of working in the student movement?

The NUS should be attempting to restrain the runaway executive pay packages that plague our society. There is a clear moral argument for paying less than the national average, yet in this case it has paid far more. At a time of increasing financial stress and hardship, by paying £100k the NUS has thrown tens of thousands of pounds down the drain; a move that Liam Burns has justified by manipulating figures and misleading the NUS membership.

NCAFC Scotland Conference Motions and Amendments

Debating Procedures

Secretariat

Standing Orders and Debating Procedure

Conference procedures

The Secretariat is responsible for allocating chairs to democratic sessions and for running the debates, including procedural motions and compositing. They sit near the chair, and may not vote.
The debating procedure is as follows:
1. A proposing speech for the motion
2. Debates on any amendments to the main motion, which follow the procedure in 1, 3, 4, 5 and 3. An equally timed opposing speech against the motion
4. Further debate at the chair’s discretion until the debate is balanced
5. Parts procedure
6. Summations may be heard at the chair’s discretion and if there is time.
7. A vote. If the chair deems that there is a clear majority, they may declare the motion passed or fallen. If the chair cannot call the vote, the vote must be counted by the Secretariat, who may ask for assistance from members of the SC.

The parts procedure is as follows:
-          Any member in attendance may call for parts by specifying them in writing to the chair
-          The parts may be to REMOVE or PASS any part of any motion or amendment
-          The chair shall call one timed speech in favour of the parts (property of their proposer) and one equally timed speech against. They may call more if the debate is contentious and there is time.

Procedural motions are as follows
1. A challenge to the chair’s ruling on a vote: if this passes a revote on the motion or amendment will be held without further debate.
2. A call for a revote on any given amendment or motion: if this passes a revote on the motion or amendment will be held without further debate.
3. A call for a recount on any given amendment or motion: if this passes a count will take place again.
4. A call for more speeches on any given amendment or motion: if this passes, another round of speeches will be held. (The chair may also accept this motion without a vote).
5. No confidence in the Chair: if this passes, a new Chair will be elected from the floor by show of hands.
6. A call for a suspension of procedural motions: if this passes, no procedural motions may be proposed other than motion 8.
7. A call for a change in the agenda: if this passes, the agenda will be amended accordingly.
8. A reinstatement of procedural motions: if this passes, the outcome of motion 6 is reversed.
9. A call for an up or down vote: if passed all procedural motions are temporarily suspended and a vote is called on the motion as it stands.

Procedural motions take precedence over the debating procedure. They can be proposed by any conference attendee.  In the case of motion 5, the Chair will vacate, and the debate will be chaired by a member of the Secretariat.

Elections at conference
The following elections shall take place at conference:

  • Elections for the Scottish Committee
  • Elections in autonomous caucuses

The Secretariat have responsibility for co-ordinating non-autonomous elections at conference, and appointing a Returning Officer or returning Officers. Returning Officers have responsibility for running and announcing elections at conference, and may not run for election themselves.

The elections for non-autonomous elections shall be held as follows:
-          Candidates must nominate themselves by a set deadline
-          Candidates running for the same position shall be given the same allocated hustings length
-          The voting system shall be Single Transferable Vote
-          If a gender quota system is in place, ballots will be counted regardless of it in the first instance. The lowest ordinarily elected non-quota candidates will then be excluded from the count, and candidates on the quota promoted, until the quota has been satisfied.

Liberation, section and regional caucuses shall hold elections for their positions as follows:
-          Elections must be held at every conference. (Caucuses may also hold additional elections at training caucuses if they vote to do so).
-          Elections shall be run by an appointee of the caucus.
-          Candidates shall make elections speeches, and have equal time allocated
-          Elections may be approved by show of hands if any position is uncontested; if not, Alternative Vote must be used

Proposed NCAFC Scotland Constitution

NCAFC Scotland Provisional Organising Committee

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. That the NCAFC Scotland Conference has been organised by members of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts to:
    1. Allow NCAFC members based in Scotland to organize within the region;
    2. Ensure that NCAFC adequately incorporates the specific circumstances in Scotland when pursuing national objectives;
  2. That the voting attendance of NCAFC Scotland comprises only members of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. That NCAFC Scotland should function simply as a branch of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts.
  2. That NCAFC Scotland does not need a constitution of its own, as it is not a separate organisation from the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts.
  3. That, despite this, policy to define the remit of NCAFC Scotland should be decided by this conference in order to establish the organisational and democratic structures of NCAFC Scotland, and its relationships with the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts.
  4. That these democratic structures and role definitions should mirror, as closely as possible, those of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts to ensure structural unity.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To adopt Section 1 of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts Constitution as a working definition of the aims and beliefs of NCAFC Scotland (see Appendix 1).
  2. To adopt the following as a document of reference for the functioning of NCAFC Scotland:

Section 1. Purpose

NCAFC Scotland exists to:

  • Further the goals of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts (NCAFC) in Scotland;
  • Ensure that NCAFC adequately incorporates the specific circumstances in Scotland when pursuing national objectives.

Section 2: Membership and affiliations

A. Membership

  1. Membership of NCAFC is defined in the NCAFC constitution.
  2. Scottish Members are defined as NCAFC members who live in or study in Scotland.
  3. Being a Scottish Member of NCAFC give you the right to:
    1. Attend and speak at NCAFC Scotland Conferences
    2. Vote on proposals and in elections at NCAFC Scotland Conferences
    3. Stand for election at NCAFC Scotland Conference and its autonomous caucuses
    4. Submit amendments to proposals at NCAFC Scotland Conferences
    5. Scottish Members will also be put on a regular bulletin email, and will get updates from the campaign on a regular basis
  4. All Scottish Members must be members of NCAFC, loss of the latter status means loss of the former.

B. Affiliated Groups

  1. Any group based in Scotland which is affiliated to NCAFC is considered also be affiliated to NCAFC Scotland.

Section 3. Structures of NCAFC Scotland

A. Conference

  1. NCAFC Scotland Conferences shall be open to all members of NCAFC but voting and speaking rights in elections and policy setting shall be reserved to Scottish Members;
  2. NCAFC Scotland Conference shall act with the power of NCAFC Conference in matters relating to Scotland or NCAFC Scotland.;
  3. Policy set by NCAFC Scotland Conference must be ratified by NCAFC Conference, or NCAFC NC acting in place of Conference, to ensure that it does not contradict NCAFC policy;
  4. The procedures and standing orders for calling an NCAFC Scotland Conference and setting its agenda shall be identical to those of calling an NCAFC Conference with the following exception:
    1. The NCAFC Scottish Committee (SC) shall act where the National Committee (NC) would at NCAFC Conference;
  5. There shall be at least one NCAFC Scotland Conference every 12 months.

B.  The Scottish Committee (SC)

  1. The SC is elected at every NCAFC Scotland Conference, and is responsible for co-ordinating NCAFC Scotland’s political work. It acts on behalf of NCAFC Scotland Conference between conferences.
  2. Members of the SC are expected to support NCAFC and NCAFC Scotland’s projects.
  3. The Scottish Committee consists of:
    1. 6 members elected by single transferable vote (with 50% reserved for women)
    2. 1 voting representative for each Liberation Campaign
  4. Liberation campaigns are national self-organising groups. They may choose to elect their representative on the SC at NCAFC Scotland Conference or elsewhere.
  5. Any NCAFC Scotland member may attend SC meetings, and the SC can invite others if it wishes to. The SC can establish working groups of whoever it wants to take on various projects.

Section 4. Alterations
Only NCAFC Scotland Conference may amend the NCAFC Scotland document of reference (with a two thirds majority) though this is subject to the approval of the NC to ensure that NCAFC Scotland’s processes are congruent with NCAFC’s as a whole.

Section 5. Other matters
Unless stated otherwise in this document, NCAFC Scotland events and processes will be run according to the NCAFC Constitution.

Amendment 1
Hannah Louise Wright
REPLACE Resolves 2 Section 3 Point B3.1 WITH “6 members elected by single transferable vote (with 50% reserved for women and 50% open to all Scottish members)”

Amendment 2
Sarah Jones

REPLACE Notes A.1 WITH
“Allow NCAFC members based in Scotland to organise throughout the country;”

Amendment 3
Sarah Jones

Secretariat Note: The changes proposed by this amendment to the document of reference contradict the NCAFC Constitution. Therefore, should this amendment be accepted by conference, the body of the motion shall change but the document of reference shall remain unaffected unless NCAFC UK Conference accepts a number of changes to its constitution. Should this amendment pass the Secretariat shall propose these changes to the NCAFC Constitution and shall implement this amendment in the document of reference should NCAFC UK accept the changes.

REPLACE Believes 1 WITH
“That NCAFC Scotland should function as an autonomous section of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts”

REPLACE Believes 2 WITH
“That NCAFC Scotland takes on the constitution of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts but may edit or add to it where NCAFC Scotland conference decides it necessary”

REPLACE Believes 3 WITH
“Policy to define the remit of NCAFC Scotland should be decided by this conference in order to establish the organisational and democratic structures of NCAFC Scotland, and its relationships with the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts.”

REPLACE Resolves 2 Section 3 Point A.3 WITH
“NCAFC Scotland is an autonomous part of NCAFC and in regards to matters concerning Scotland makes and ratifies its own policies. The Scottish Committee will ensure that policies do not contradict UK wide NCAFC policy”

REPLACE Resolves 2 Section 4 WITH
“Only NCAFC Scotland Conference may amend the NCAFC Scotland document of reference (with a simple majority) though this is subject to the approval of the SC to ensure that NCAFC Scotland’s processes are congruent with NCAFC’s as a whole.”

ADD Resolves 3
“To mandate the Secretariat to draft suitable amendments to the NCAFC Constitution, to be proposed to NCAFC Conference, to allow for this motion to be implemented.”

Appendix 1: National Campaign against Fees and Cuts Constitution

Section 1: What we stand for
We want schools, colleges, universities and research institutions and the work they do to be public, democratic, open and accessible to all, and to be oriented towards free enquiry, the needs and interests of society, and liberation from existing hierarchies and oppressions. We reject the idea that private profit, exploitation and marketization can bring the education system any benefit, and we unite to resist the neoliberal assault on education and research and to defend the concepts of education and research as social goods.
This is inevitably an incomplete set of goals, but it forms our common ground as activists in education and research.
We seek:

  • The abolition of all fees in higher and further education and the abolition of all student debt owed.
  • The reversal of all budget cuts to education and research.
  • An adequate maintenance grant to allow every student over 16 to live independently, out of poverty.
  • Free care services and additional maintenance support for every student with one or more dependents.
  • A living wage, a safe workplace, a live-able pension, holiday pay, sick pay and a maximum 35 hour week for every education and research worker, every apprentice and every intern, with an end to privatisation and outsourcing in our institutions.
  • Recognition of research students as workers as well as students, with associated rights to limited hours, minimum pay, healthy and safe workplaces, holidays, sick leave, academic freedom, and protection from harassment and unfair dismissal.
  • An end to racist, xenophobic and discriminatory treatment of international students. Abolish international fees, open the borders and end surveillance.
  • An academic environment that is feminist, pro-LBGTQ, anti-racist and anti-ableist, and that actively works against oppression and for inclusion.
  • Campuses safe from surveillance and harassment on grounds of religious and political beliefs. Police off our campuses, and an end to the use of education workers to enforce police and immigration controls and surveillance.
  • Academic freedom for all – freedom to teach, learn, enquire and publish must not be limited by, or subject to, the goals of the state or those of the owners of industry.
  • All schools, colleges and universities to be run not-for-profit under the full and democratic control of their staff, students and communities, including all currently private and profit-making institutions. The abolition of unelected, unaccountable management.
  • Knowledge open to all – our lectures, museums, books and journals must be accessible to all, free of charge, to create truly open, common and public educational institutions.
  • An end to investment in and links with exploitative, unsustainable and violent industries, including the arms trade – education must not be founded on the suffering of others.
  • These are to be funded using the wealth of those who can afford it: we demand progressive and fully enforced taxation of business and the rich, and the socialisation, under democratic student and worker control, of currently privatised elements of the education system.
  • Sustainable education and research – our institutions must function in an environmentally sustainable way, and their activity must contribute in theory and in practice to forward-thinking, socially just solutions to local and global threats and crises such as climate change.

We will organise in our classrooms, libraries and laboratories, and in our workplaces, our communities and the streets. We will organise through democratic assemblies at the lowest possible levels. We will demonstrate, we will lobby, and we will take direct action and industrial action. We will build solidarity and cooperation between students, workers and the unemployed. We will seek to dismantle, rather than perpetuate, existing oppressions and hierarchies within our communities and campaigns. We will not relent and we do not seek merely to register our dissatisfaction – we will settle for nothing less than free and emancipatory education and decent living standards for all, whether it takes months, or decades.

Support Rape Crisis Centers

NCAFC Edinburgh

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. That women are being disproportionately hurt by the government’s neoliberal agenda;
  2. That women are systematically disadvantaged in our society;
  3. That Rape Crisis Edinburgh are facing huge cuts in funding which may result in closure;
  4. That this will leave hundreds of women vulnerable, with nowhere to go, trapped in abusive environments;
  5. That NUS’s hidden marks campaign last year revealed 1 in 7 students are sexually harassed/assaulted/abused and raped.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. That funding for such vital services should never be cut;
  2. That abuse and rape survivors need and deserve support;
  3. That abuse and rape victims should never be trapped in dangerous situations;
  4. That destroying patriarchy is an important part of destroying capitalism;
  5. That direct action gets the goods.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To call for direct action to help save Rape Crisis Edinburgh;
  2. To publish a leaflet on how to carry out direct action;
  3. To write a letter of solidarity to Rape Crisis Edinburgh.

Amendment 1
Hannah Louise Wright

REPLACE Believes 4 WITH
“That destroying patriarchy is an important part of destroying capitalism as well as vitally important in it’s own right;”

Amendment 2
Hannah Louise Wright

REPLACE Believes 5 WITH
“That direct action is the best method of challenging this attack on vital support services”

Amendment 3
Clopin Meehan

REPLACE Notes 3 WITH
“That Rape Crisis Edinburgh, Glasgow Rape Crisis and Archway Glasgow are facing huge cuts in funding which may result in closure;”

REPLACE Resolves 1 WITH
“To call for direct action to help save Rape Crisis Edinburgh, and Glasgow centres, on the proviso that Rape Crisis Edinburgh and Glasgow centres consent to their respective actions;”

REPLACE Resolves 3 WITH
“To write a letter of solidarity to Rape Crisis Edinburgh, Glasgow Rape Crisis and Archway Glasgow.”

Amendment 4
Clopin Meehan

REPLACE Notes 5 WITH
“That NUS’s hidden marks campaign last year revealed 1 in 7 women students are sexually harassed/assaulted/abused and raped.”

Fuel Poverty

Glasgow University Coalition of Resistance

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. That fuel poverty is a pressing issue not only for pensioners, but for huge sections of society; including students, low paid workers, the unemployed and those on benefits;
  2. Since their introduction, pre­pay gas and electricity meters have been little more than a tax on the most vulnerable sectors of society, who are transferred to the meter system if they are unable to pay their bills;
  3. Failing to top up means being cut off from all energy supplies in the home – such as heating, cooking appliances and even lighting;
  4. Statistics last year show that one in three Scottish families are in fuel poverty, and in 2010 around 13% of people in the UK were on pre­pay meters;
  5. The recent price hikes instigated by the ‘Big Six’ energy companies – British Gas, EDF Energy, E.ON UK, npower, Scottish Power and SSE – have seen bills rise as much as 11%, despite these companies posting significant profits in the past financial year;
  6. Campaign 250 has been instrumental in uniting members of the community in opposition to the price hikes;
  7. Campaign 250 has called for the abolition of pre­pay meters in addition to a £250 winter fuel allowance for those most affected by fuel poverty;
  8. Glasgow University Coalition of Resistance has been responsible for organising a campaign on campus which last December resulted in a demonstration outside Big Six member SSE’s Glasgow Headquarters; closing it down for several hours.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. The consequences of such rises, coupled with an austerity agenda slashing benefits and raising fees means that more than ever before people will face the choice of whether to eat or to heat their homes;
  2. As a result of the above, the amount of people who will be cut off and placed on meters will skyrocket;
  3. Campaigns linking students with wider sections of the community have not only shown concrete results in the past, but are vital in order to combat the harsh austerity agenda instigated by the ConDem government.

Conference resolves to:

  1. To affiliate itself to Campaign 250 nationally;
  2. To release a statement condemning the rise in prices by the Big Six energy providers, and call for the prices rises to be rolled back;
  3. To actively campaign for an end to pre­pay meters by energy companies;
  4. To support the call for a £250 winter fuel allowance for pensioners, the unemployed, benefit recipients, low­ paid workers and students;
  5. To actively campaign on campuses, student unions and the wider community on the issue of fuel poverty.

 

Unite The Union

Glasgow university Coalition of Resistance

NCAFC Scotland Notes:

  1. Unite the Union has recently set up and invested resources into building community branches in Scotland;
  2. These branches have been active in fighting against welfare reforms and cuts taking effect locally as the result of Coalition policies;
  3. Students are also members of the community and are increasingly feeling the effect of Government spending cuts to local services and the welfare state including the NHS, welfare reform and university spending;
  4. For many students it has become the norm to work whilst at university in an attempt to support their studies, many of whom work in part-time jobs which currently offer little union representation;
  5. Students are often regarded as expendable and in many cases are fixed to zero-hour contacts.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. In order to help mount a serious fightback against austerity, it is vital that NCAFC takes an active role in supporting community initiatives of which students play a part in.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. Commit to support and work with Unite the Union’s Community Membership, a membership that is open to unemployed people, FE and Higher Education students and students who are working part time to support themselves;
  2. Support the formation of student branches at universities and colleges where feasible;
  3. Encourage working students to join Unite the Union or other relevant trade unions;
  4. Inform students of their rights in the workplace and in any issues regarding tenancy with the goal of empowering them to campaign around these issues and other issues which affect their wider communities;
  5. Work together with other Community Membership branches in Scotland to support campaigns and achieve mutual aims.

Independence

International Socialist Group

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. Decisions about education cuts and fees in Scotland are made in Holyrood;
  2. Lamont’s attacks on universal benefits have moved Scottish Labour even closer to the Westminster austerity consensus, and they are now positioned to the right of the Scottish Government on almost every political issue;
  3. One of the main debates in the 2014 independence referendum is about how to save the welfare state, which is being dismantled by the austerity regime in all parts of Britain;
  4. The Radical Independence Conference, attended by over 900, was the largest anti-austerity, anti-imperialist Left unity conference in Scotland for decades.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. There is a different pace of events in Scotland to England, and the Left in Scotland will pursue a conservative strategy if it waits for action in England before coordinating and acting itself;
  2. Coordination and solidarity between Scottish and RUK students is absolutely fundamental, and both groups must move to greater European and global coordination;
  3. We need to work for free education with students from all political parties if they are committed to opposing all cuts and fees;
  4. A victory for Better Together would be a victory for the most reactionary sectors of Scottish society and the austerity agenda in Westminster;
  5. The Scottish Left cannot stand aside from the debate on independence, because the debate offers a crucial opportunity in the short-medium term to put issues like the £80 billion waste of money on Trident on the table, which could reinvigorate anti-cuts politics.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To declare support for Scottish independence;
  2. To encourage a debate inside National Union of Students (NUS) Scotland on how independence could create a new deal for students and workers, and lobby for a pro-independence policy in NUS Scotland;
  3. To affiliate to the Radical Independence Campaign and other groups, particularly the anti-Trident national demo in April 13-15;
  4. To encourage joint moves towards RUK, pan-European, and global networks of resistance.

Amendment 1
Sarah Jones

REPLACE Notes 4 WITH
“The Radical Independence Conference, attended by over 900, was one of the largest anti-austerity conferences in Scotland for decades.”

REPLACE Believes 5 WITH
“It is important that the Scottish Left should use the independence referendum, as such a high profile event, to highlight short-medium term goals like the £80 billion waste of money on Trident on the table and other failures of Westminster policy, which may help to reinvigorate anti-cuts politics.”

Amendment 2
Sarah Jones

DELETE Believes 4

Amendment 3
Sarah Jones

REPLACE Resolves 1 WITH
“To take no official position on independence;”

REPLACE Resolves 2 WITH
“To encourage a debate inside National Union of Students (NUS) Scotland and other student unions on how students can use the independence referendum to push for a new deal for students and workers and achieve more social democratic reforms;”

REPLACE Resolves 3 WITH
“To work with Radical Independence Campaign and other groups, particularly the anti-Trident national demo in April 13-15 to push forward these issues.”

Amendment 4
Robert Henthorn

REPLACE Resolves 3 WITH
“To encourage and support activist groups to be active within pro-independence campaigns, with the express purpose of fighting for the aims and beliefs of NCAFC as a positive vision for independence;”

NUS Scotland and NCAFC Scotland

NCAFC Edinburgh

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. The National Union of Students Scotland is a representative body for students across the whole of Scotland;
  2. That NUS Scotland is an active and political body which has achieved secured notable victories;
  3. That NUS Scotland is fundamentally a lobbyist organisation;
  4. That a number of Universities and Colleges in Scotland are unaffiliated to NUS Scotland;
  5. That often NUS Scotland election campaigns are based on personal friendships rather than political affiliations.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. That active engagement in currently existing structures is vital for a movement such as NCAFC to grow and gain influence;
  2. That only through delivery of a concrete critique of power which relates to ongoing struggles shall fundamental change be won for society;
  3. That the student movement has a role to play in raising the level of class consciousness;
  4. That a lobbyist approach can yield results but works best when it’s backed up by direct action and mass mobilisation, either threatened or ongoing;
  5. That at this current moment it is crucial that groups such as NCAFC Scotland stage targeted interventions in NUS Scotland’s political discussions and decision making process;
  6. That these interventions should be overtly political and aim to shift the debate to align more broadly with NCAFC’s aims and objectives;
  7. That careerism is the venom poisoning the heart of the student movement and must be challenged where at all possible.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To provide support in terms of finances, logistics and campaigners to any groups on a campus not already affiliated to NUS who wish to run an affiliation campaign;
  2. To actively engage in NUS Scotland’s discussions and democratic decision making processes with the aim of shifting the debate to align more broadly with NCAFC’s aims and objectives;
  3. To do so under the banner of NCAFC Scotland and through the use of explicitly political slogans such as “Tax the rich to fund education” and “Expropriate the banks”;
  4. To stand or support candidates for the NUS Scotland SEC on a platform of national agitation and challenging careerism in the heart of the student movement;
  5. To act where NUS Scotland can or will not by calling for occupations, direct action and mass demonstrations when necessary;
  6. To work with interested parties to achieve the above.

Fund Education, Scrap Trident

International Socialist Group

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. The cost of renewing Trident, Britain’s nuclear weapons system, has risen to £100 billion;
  2. According to the Treasury, by mid-2010 Britain had spent more than £20 billion on the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan;
  3. The cost of Britain’s war on Libya last year totaled £1.75 billion;
  4. Many thousands of students and young people have played a key role in opposing wars and calling for end to Britain’s nuclear weapons system;
  5. That since 2010 funding for courses at colleges and universities has been slashed;
  6. Students from lower socio-economic backgrounds, Black and minority ethnic students, Students with disabilities and impairments, women students and LGBT+ students as well as students who are parents and/or carers are being cut out of further and higher education due to the withdrawal of vital funding for support services, such as counselling and mental health services, Education Maintenance Allowance (E.M.A) and the health in pregnancy grant;
  7. That there will be a mass anti-trident demonstration in Glasgow on April 13th, called by CND, Faslane Peace Camp, ‘No to NATO’ Coalition, the Scottish Green party and the Radical Independence Campaign;
  8. That a ‘Fund Education, Scrap Trident’ Bloc is being organised for this demonstration, with students mobilising from across Scotland.

NCAFC Scotland believes

  1. That education is a social good and should be a right and not a privilege;
  2. That students play a vital and progressive role in civil society and we should engage in national and international debates;
  3. That Nuclear Weapons and other weapons of mass destruction are immoral and should be opposed;
  4. The money that funds the maintenance of nuclear weapons and illegal wars would be better spent on providing education and welfare.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To work with CND, RIC and other organisations that campaign against Trident replacement;
  2. To officially support, publicise and help to organise transport to the ‘Scrap Trident’ demonstration on April 13th in Glasgow;
  3. To support further actions which oppose nuclear weapons and Trident replacement.

Amendment 1
James McAsh

DELETE Believes 4

ADD Believes 4
“That our opposition to Trident is not related to its cost: even if it cost nothing, we would still oppose it”

ADD Believes 5
“That Trident is an excellent example of how flawed the argument that ‘the money is not there’ is”

ADD Believes 6
”That instead of making cuts to public services to pay for Trident and tax cuts for the rich, the government should scrap Trident, tax the rich and expropriate the banks to fund education and public services.”

The following papers are for note and can not be amended by Conference

Safer Spaces Policy
Anyone who comes to NCAFC-organised events is subject to this policy.
NCAFC cannot fully meet its goals if it is not fully inclusive, or if it leaves any demographic feeling marginalised, unrepresented, or unwelcome. This safe space policy is designed to ensure that meetings take place in a considerate and relevant manner, without participants being undermined for discriminatory reasons.
If someone violates these agreements three times, they will be asked to leave the space. The three-strike policy can be bypassed if a serious infraction of these agreements happens, to the extent that someone feels unsafe. Examples of serious infractions include, but are not limited to, harassment, bullying, theft, sexual harassment, sexual assault and threatening or violent behaviour. NCAFC takes all violations of these agreements seriously, so please don’t hesitate to make your concerns known.
1. To ensure that the safe(r) space policy is followed, it is imperative that the chairing process is not impeded.
2. Discrimination of any kind is unacceptable and will be challenged. This includes, but is not limited to: racism, ageism, homophobia, biphobia, transphobia, sexism, body-shaming, slut-shaming or ableism. Similarly, prejudice based on ethnicity, nationality, class, gender identity, gender presentation, language, ability, asylum status, political or religious affiliation will not be tolerated.
3. Respect each other’s physical and emotional boundaries. Always get explicit verbal consent before touching someone or crossing boundaries, regardless of the intentions behind the contact. Sexual harassment or sexual assault will lead to the perpetrator being banned from meetings and police involvement, if desired by the victim(s), will be fully supported. If you encounter any kind of harassment or assault please let us know, so that those responsible can be dealt with.
4. Be aware of the social space you occupy, as well as the positions and privileges you may be conveying, including racial, class and gender privilege. If a member of a liberation strand requests that you change your use of language regarding topics about their liberation strand, please be respectful and change your use of language. If you are unsure as to the reason your language was inappropriate or offensive, please politely contact the relevant liberation strand officers.
5. Avoid assuming the opinions and identifications of other participants. Examples include, but are not limited to, assumptions regarding sex, sexuality, gender identity, preferred personal pronouns, neurotypicality, able-bodied status, socio-economic background, political opinion, relationship model and religious beliefs.
6. Recognize that we try not to judge, put each other down or compete.
7. Be aware of the language you use in discussion and how you relate to others. Try to speak slowly, clearly and use uncomplicated language. Please do not applaud people as it impacts on the accessibility of events. If you are unsure of the terminology relating to another’s circumstances it is generally preferable to seek clarification, rather than risk using inaccurate or stereotyping terms.
8. The group endeavours as much as is feasible to ensure that meeting spaces are as accessible as possible to the widest range of people. Where it is allowed by the venue, there will be a supervised quiet/safe space room available at every event. In addition to this, if there has not been an access break in the previous 90 minutes, or if the atmosphere of a meeting has become counter-productive to reasoned discussion, then an access break of no less than 10 minutes must be taken by everyone, if requested by any one person.
9. Conferences, training events and workshops are alcohol- and illicit drug-free. There shall be no consumption of alcohol in the venue during the specified conference, training event or workshop times. Social events organised outside of these by NCAFC will allow the consumption of alcohol, unless stated otherwise by the event organisers.
10. Foster a spirit of mutual respect: listen to the wisdom everyone brings to the group and treat people with respect.
11. Give each person the time and space to speak. In large groups, or for groups using facilitation: use the approved hand signals to indicate you wish to speak. These hand signals will be clarified at the start of each discussion.
12. “Respect the person; challenge their behaviour.”: whilst a person’s behaviour may be problematic, everyone deserves to be treated with dignity and their behaviour does not negate that fact.
13. Whilst ground rules are collective responsibility, everyone is also personally responsible for their own behaviour.

Challenging Bullying in the student movement
Notes:
1. A culture of bullying is rife throughout the NUS and its member unions, targeted at anyone who challenges established order.
Believes:
1. This culture puts the health of many student activists and the health of the student movement at risk.
2. This culture is not confined to any one faction or political aligment.
Resolves:
1. We will work to propose a constructive solution to the culture of bullying in the student movement
2. We will speak openly about bullying and its consequences
3. We will examine our own behaviour as individuals and a movement as a step to this openness.

Access at NCAFC Events
Notes
1 *That there are a number of disabled people, and people with access requirements that regularly attend, or might wish to attend NCAFC events
2 *That NCAFC currently has no accessibility policy
3 *That NCAFC Disabled Caucus ran a session on access needs during the liberation session, and took suggestions for what would be necessary from as many people as possible
Believes
1 *That more disabled people will feel comfortable attending NCAFC events if access information is made clear from the outset
2 *That access has been severely compromised at previous NCAFC events and this is not acceptable
Resolves
1 *To implement the following as standard for all NCAFC Events:
-A method of asking people to declare access needs when registering for the conference
-Documents (motions, timetable, any other documents) being released online as .doc and .pdf a week in advance of the conference to allow people time to print or prepare for them as necessary
-The venue being a location with accessible public transport links
-Information regarding whether the venue is wheelchair accessible to be released at the same time as the venue is released
-Access breaks of at least 15 minutes, at least every 90 minutes, to be standard, timetabled, and not to be voted on
-Explanation being given to all delegates regarding the inappropriate nature of clapping and whooping, and hand signals to be explained instead
-Explanation being given about why ableist language is no more acceptable than homophobic, transphobic, racist, or sexist language
2 *To attempt to implement the following at all NCAFC events, and inform attendees as early as possible if this cannot be implemented
-A timetable to be kept to exactly, without any unexpected changes, delays or alterations
-A microphone and hearing loop system, both to ensure people are able to hear the debate
-All venues to be fully wheelchair accessible, with ramps and lifts as necessary
-Members of the NC who can be approached for assistance to be easily visually identifiable
-All documents available on coloured paper or with coloured acetate overlays
-Sweets and water to be available on or near conference floor
-A quiet area to be present for people if they wish to leave conference floor
Mandates
1 *The NC to implement all of Resolves 1 for every further event
2 *The NC to attempt to implement Resolves 2 for every further event and inform attendees when this will not be possible
3 *The NC to look into the viability of a palantypist, sign interpretation, streaming, and large video screens of speakers for future events
4* Whomever is responsible for putting together a timetable to discuss it with the representative(s) of disabled caucus on the NC before it is released, to ensure it is accessible.

NCAFC Scotland Founding Conference Motions

These are the motions which have been submitted for debate to NCAFC Scotland Conference. Amendments must be submitted by 12 am on Friday of this week. Concerns have been raised that a number of motions may have been submitted by non-NCAFC members. The Secretariat shall be contacting the relevant people to pass on membership forms where necessary, but at this point this does not prevent the motions from going forward.

For further information about conference click here.

To register for conference click here.

 

Proposed NCAFC Scotland Constitution

Composite: NCAFC Scotland Provisional Organising Committee & Aberdeen Defend Education Campaign

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. That the NCAFC Scotland Conference has been organised by members of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts to:
    1. Allow NCAFC members based in Scotland to organize within the region;
    2. Ensure that NCAFC adequately incorporates the specific circumstances in Scotland when pursuing national objectives;
  2. That the voting attendance of NCAFC Scotland comprises only members of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. That NCAFC Scotland should function simply as a branch of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts.
  2. That NCAFC Scotland does not need a constitution of its own, as it is not a separate organisation from the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts.
  3. That, despite this, policy to define the remit of NCAFC Scotland should be decided by this conference in order to establish the organisational and democratic structures of NCAFC Scotland, and its relationships with the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts.
  4. That these democratic structures and role definitions should mirror, as closely as possible, those of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts to ensure structural unity.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To adopt Section 1 of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts Constitution as a working definition of the aims and beliefs of NCAFC Scotland (see Appendix 1).
  2. To adopt the following as a document of reference for the functioning of NCAFC Scotland:

Section 1. Purpose

NCAFC Scotland exists to:

  • Further the goals of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts (NCAFC) in Scotland;
  • Ensure that NCAFC adequately incorporates the specific circumstances in Scotland when pursuing national objectives.

Section 2: Membership and affiliations

A. Membership

  1. Membership of NCAFC is defined in the NCAFC constitution.
  2. Scottish Members are defined as NCAFC members who live in or study in Scotland.
  3. Being a Scottish Member of NCAFC give you the right to:
    1. Attend and speak at NCAFC Scotland Conferences
    2. Vote on proposals and in elections at NCAFC Scotland Conferences
    3. Stand for election at NCAFC Scotland Conference and its autonomous caucuses
    4. Submit amendments to proposals at NCAFC Scotland Conferences
    5. Scottish Members will also be put on a regular bulletin email, and will get updates from the campaign on a regular basis
  4. All Scottish Members must be members of NCAFC, loss of the latter status means loss of the former.

B. Affiliated Groups

  1. Any group based in Scotland which is affiliated to NCAFC is considered also be affiliated to NCAFC Scotland.

Section 3. Structures of NCAFC Scotland

A. Conference

  1. NCAFC Scotland Conferences shall be open to all members of NCAFC but voting and speaking rights in elections and policy setting shall be reserved to Scottish Members;
  2. NCAFC Scotland Conference shall act with the power of NCAFC Conference in matters relating to Scotland or NCAFC Scotland.;
  3. Policy set by NCAFC Scotland Conference must be ratified by NCAFC Conference, or NCAFC NC acting in place of Conference, to ensure that it does not contradict NCAFC policy;
  4. The procedures and standing orders for calling an NCAFC Scotland Conference and setting its agenda shall be identical to those of calling an NCAFC Conference with the following exception:
    1. The NCAFC Scottish Committee (SC) shall act where the National Committee (NC) would at NCAFC Conference;
  5. There shall be at least one NCAFC Scotland Conference every 12 months.

B.  The Scottish Committee (SC)

  1. The SC is elected at every NCAFC Scotland Conference, and is responsible for co-ordinating NCAFC Scotland’s political work. It acts on behalf of NCAFC Scotland Conference between conferences.
  2. Members of the SC are expected to support NCAFC and NCAFC Scotland’s projects.
  3. The Scottish Committee consists of:
    1. 6 members elected by single transferable vote (with 50% reserved for women)
    2. 1 voting representative for each Liberation Campaign
  4. Liberation campaigns are national self-organising groups. They may choose to elect their representative on the SC at NCAFC Scotland Conference or elsewhere.
  5. Any NCAFC Scotland member may attend SC meetings, and the SC can invite others if it wishes to. The SC can establish working groups of whoever it wants to take on various projects.

Section 4. Alterations
Only NCAFC Scotland Conference may amend the NCAFC Scotland document of reference (with a two thirds majority) though this is subject to the approval of the NC to ensure that NCAFC Scotland’s processes are congruent with NCAFC’s as a whole.

Section 5. Other matters
Unless stated otherwise in this document, NCAFC Scotland events and processes will be run according to the NCAFC Constitution.

Appendix 1: National Campaign against Fees and Cuts Constitution

Section 1: What we stand for
We want schools, colleges, universities and research institutions and the work they do to be public, democratic, open and accessible to all, and to be oriented towards free enquiry, the needs and interests of society, and liberation from existing hierarchies and oppressions. We reject the idea that private profit, exploitation and marketization can bring the education system any benefit, and we unite to resist the neoliberal assault on education and research and to defend the concepts of education and research as social goods.
This is inevitably an incomplete set of goals, but it forms our common ground as activists in education and research.
We seek:

  • The abolition of all fees in higher and further education and the abolition of all student debt owed.
  • The reversal of all budget cuts to education and research.
  • An adequate maintenance grant to allow every student over 16 to live independently, out of poverty.
  • Free care services and additional maintenance support for every student with one or more dependents.
  • A living wage, a safe workplace, a live-able pension, holiday pay, sick pay and a maximum 35 hour week for every education and research worker, every apprentice and every intern, with an end to privatisation and outsourcing in our institutions.
  • Recognition of research students as workers as well as students, with associated rights to limited hours, minimum pay, healthy and safe workplaces, holidays, sick leave, academic freedom, and protection from harassment and unfair dismissal.
  • An end to racist, xenophobic and discriminatory treatment of international students. Abolish international fees, open the borders and end surveillance.
  • An academic environment that is feminist, pro-LBGTQ, anti-racist and anti-ableist, and that actively works against oppression and for inclusion.
  • Campuses safe from surveillance and harassment on grounds of religious and political beliefs. Police off our campuses, and an end to the use of education workers to enforce police and immigration controls and surveillance.
  • Academic freedom for all – freedom to teach, learn, enquire and publish must not be limited by, or subject to, the goals of the state or those of the owners of industry.
  • All schools, colleges and universities to be run not-for-profit under the full and democratic control of their staff, students and communities, including all currently private and profit-making institutions. The abolition of unelected, unaccountable management.
  • Knowledge open to all – our lectures, museums, books and journals must be accessible to all, free of charge, to create truly open, common and public educational institutions.
  • An end to investment in and links with exploitative, unsustainable and violent industries, including the arms trade – education must not be founded on the suffering of others.
  • These are to be funded using the wealth of those who can afford it: we demand progressive and fully enforced taxation of business and the rich, and the socialisation, under democratic student and worker control, of currently privatised elements of the education system.
  • Sustainable education and research – our institutions must function in an environmentally sustainable way, and their activity must contribute in theory and in practice to forward-thinking, socially just solutions to local and global threats and crises such as climate change.

We will organise in our classrooms, libraries and laboratories, and in our workplaces, our communities and the streets. We will organise through democratic assemblies at the lowest possible levels. We will demonstrate, we will lobby, and we will take direct action and industrial action. We will build solidarity and cooperation between students, workers and the unemployed. We will seek to dismantle, rather than perpetuate, existing oppressions and hierarchies within our communities and campaigns. We will not relent and we do not seek merely to register our dissatisfaction – we will settle for nothing less than free and emancipatory education and decent living standards for all, whether it takes months, or decades.

Debating Procedures, Safe Space, Anti-Bullying and Accessibility Policy

Secretariat

Safe Space, Anti-Bullying and Accessibility Policies are for note. Debating Procedure is for the approval of Conference.

Standing Orders and Debating Procedure

Conference procedures

The Secretariat is responsible for allocating chairs to democratic sessions and for running the debates, including procedural motions and compositing. They sit near the chair, and may not vote.
The debating procedure is as follows:
1. A proposing speech for the motion
2. Debates on any amendments to the main motion, which follow the procedure in 1, 3, 4, 5 and 3. An equally timed opposing speech against the motion
4. Further debate at the chair’s discretion until the debate is balanced
5. Parts procedure
6. Summations may be heard at the chair’s discretion and if there is time.
7. A vote. If the chair deems that there is a clear majority, they may declare the motion passed or fallen. If the chair cannot call the vote, the vote must be counted by the Secretariat, who may ask for assistance from members of the SC.

The parts procedure is as follows:
-          Any member in attendance may call for parts by specifying them in writing to the chair
-          The parts may be to REMOVE or PASS any part of any motion or amendment
-          The chair shall call one timed speech in favour of the parts (property of their proposer) and one equally timed speech against. They may call more if the debate is contentious and there is time.

Procedural motions are as follows:
1. A challenge to the chair’s ruling on a vote: if this passes a revote on the motion or amendment will be held without further debate.
2. A call for a revote on any given amendment or motion: if this passes a revote on the motion or amendment will be held without further debate.
3. A call for a recount on any given amendment or motion: if this passes a count will take place again.
4. A call for more speeches on any given amendment or motion: if this passes, another round of speeches will be held. (The chair may also accept this motion without a vote).
5. No confidence in the Chair: if this passes, a new Chair will be elected from the floor by show of hands.
6. A call for a suspension of procedural motions: if this passes, no procedural motions may be proposed other than motion 8.
7. A call for a change in the agenda: if this passes, the agenda will be amended accordingly.
8. A reinstatement of procedural motions: if this passes, the outcome of motion 6 is reversed.
9. A call for an up or down vote: if passed all procedural motions are temporarily suspended and a vote is called on the motion as it stands.

Procedural motions take precedence over the debating procedure. They can be proposed by any conference attendee.  In the case of motion 5, the Chair will vacate, and the debate will be chaired by a member of the Secretariat.

Elections at conference
The following elections shall take place at conference:

  • Elections for the Scottish Committee
  • Elections in autonomous caucuses

The Secretariat have responsibility for co-ordinating non-autonomous elections at conference, and appointing a Returning Officer or returning Officers. Returning Officers have responsibility for running and announcing elections at conference, and may not run for election themselves.

The elections for non-autonomous elections shall be held as follows:
-          Candidates must nominate themselves by a set deadline
-          Candidates running for the same position shall be given the same allocated hustings length
-          The voting system shall be Single Transferable Vote
-          If a gender quota system is in place, ballots will be counted regardless of it in the first instance. The lowest ordinarily elected non-quota candidates will then be excluded from the count, and candidates on the quota promoted, until the quota has been satisfied.

Liberation, section and regional caucuses shall hold elections for their positions as follows:
-          Elections must be held at every conference. (Caucuses may also hold additional elections at training caucuses if they vote to do so).
-          Elections shall be run by an appointee of the caucus.
-          Candidates shall make elections speeches, and have equal time allocated
-          Elections may be approved by show of hands if any position is uncontested; if not, Alternative Vote must be used

Safer Spaces Policy
Anyone who comes to NCAFC-organised events is subject to this policy.
NCAFC cannot fully meet its goals if it is not fully inclusive, or if it leaves any demographic feeling marginalised, unrepresented, or unwelcome. This safe space policy is designed to ensure that meetings take place in a considerate and relevant manner, without participants being undermined for discriminatory reasons.
If someone violates these agreements three times, they will be asked to leave the space. The three-strike policy can be bypassed if a serious infraction of these agreements happens, to the extent that someone feels unsafe. Examples of serious infractions include, but are not limited to, harassment, bullying, theft, sexual harassment, sexual assault and threatening or violent behaviour. NCAFC takes all violations of these agreements seriously, so please don’t hesitate to make your concerns known.
1. To ensure that the safe(r) space policy is followed, it is imperative that the chairing process is not impeded.
2. Discrimination of any kind is unacceptable and will be challenged. This includes, but is not limited to: racism, ageism, homophobia, biphobia, transphobia, sexism, body-shaming, slut-shaming or ableism. Similarly, prejudice based on ethnicity, nationality, class, gender identity, gender presentation, language, ability, asylum status, political or religious affiliation will not be tolerated.
3. Respect each other’s physical and emotional boundaries. Always get explicit verbal consent before touching someone or crossing boundaries, regardless of the intentions behind the contact. Sexual harassment or sexual assault will lead to the perpetrator being banned from meetings and police involvement, if desired by the victim(s), will be fully supported. If you encounter any kind of harassment or assault please let us know, so that those responsible can be dealt with.
4. Be aware of the social space you occupy, as well as the positions and privileges you may be conveying, including racial, class and gender privilege. If a member of a liberation strand requests that you change your use of language regarding topics about their liberation strand, please be respectful and change your use of language. If you are unsure as to the reason your language was inappropriate or offensive, please politely contact the relevant liberation strand officers.
5. Avoid assuming the opinions and identifications of other participants. Examples include, but are not limited to, assumptions regarding sex, sexuality, gender identity, preferred personal pronouns, neurotypicality, able-bodied status, socio-economic background, political opinion, relationship model and religious beliefs.
6. Recognize that we try not to judge, put each other down or compete.
7. Be aware of the language you use in discussion and how you relate to others. Try to speak slowly, clearly and use uncomplicated language. Please do not applaud people as it impacts on the accessibility of events. If you are unsure of the terminology relating to another’s circumstances it is generally preferable to seek clarification, rather than risk using inaccurate or stereotyping terms.
8. The group endeavours as much as is feasible to ensure that meeting spaces are as accessible as possible to the widest range of people. Where it is allowed by the venue, there will be a supervised quiet/safe space room available at every event. In addition to this, if there has not been an access break in the previous 90 minutes, or if the atmosphere of a meeting has become counter-productive to reasoned discussion, then an access break of no less than 10 minutes must be taken by everyone, if requested by any one person.
9. Conferences, training events and workshops are alcohol- and illicit drug-free. There shall be no consumption of alcohol in the venue during the specified conference, training event or workshop times. Social events organised outside of these by NCAFC will allow the consumption of alcohol, unless stated otherwise by the event organisers.
10. Foster a spirit of mutual respect: listen to the wisdom everyone brings to the group and treat people with respect.
11. Give each person the time and space to speak. In large groups, or for groups using facilitation: use the approved hand signals to indicate you wish to speak. These hand signals will be clarified at the start of each discussion.
12. “Respect the person; challenge their behaviour.”: whilst a person’s behaviour may be problematic, everyone deserves to be treated with dignity and their behaviour does not negate that fact.
13. Whilst ground rules are collective responsibility, everyone is also personally responsible for their own behaviour.

Challenging Bullying in the student movement
Notes:
1. A culture of bullying is rife throughout the NUS and its member unions, targeted at anyone who challenges established order.
Believes:
1. This culture puts the health of many student activists and the health of the student movement at risk.
2. This culture is not confined to any one faction or political aligment.
Resolves:
1. We will work to propose a constructive solution to the culture of bullying in the student movement
2. We will speak openly about bullying and its consequences
3. We will examine our own behaviour as individuals and a movement as a step to this openness.

Access at NCAFC Events
Notes
1 *That there are a number of disabled people, and people with access requirements that regularly attend, or might wish to attend NCAFC events
2 *That NCAFC currently has no accessibility policy
3 *That NCAFC Disabled Caucus ran a session on access needs during the liberation session, and took suggestions for what would be necessary from as many people as possible
Believes
1 *That more disabled people will feel comfortable attending NCAFC events if access information is made clear from the outset
2 *That access has been severely compromised at previous NCAFC events and this is not acceptable
Resolves
1 *To implement the following as standard for all NCAFC Events:
-A method of asking people to declare access needs when registering for the conference
-Documents (motions, timetable, any other documents) being released online as .doc and .pdf a week in advance of the conference to allow people time to print or prepare for them as necessary
-The venue being a location with accessible public transport links
-Information regarding whether the venue is wheelchair accessible to be released at the same time as the venue is released
-Access breaks of at least 15 minutes, at least every 90 minutes, to be standard, timetabled, and not to be voted on
-Explanation being given to all delegates regarding the inappropriate nature of clapping and whooping, and hand signals to be explained instead
-Explanation being given about why ableist language is no more acceptable than homophobic, transphobic, racist, or sexist language
2 *To attempt to implement the following at all NCAFC events, and inform attendees as early as possible if this cannot be implemented
-A timetable to be kept to exactly, without any unexpected changes, delays or alterations
-A microphone and hearing loop system, both to ensure people are able to hear the debate
-All venues to be fully wheelchair accessible, with ramps and lifts as necessary
-Members of the NC who can be approached for assistance to be easily visually identifiable
-All documents available on coloured paper or with coloured acetate overlays
-Sweets and water to be available on or near conference floor
-A quiet area to be present for people if they wish to leave conference floor
Mandates
1 *The NC to implement all of Resolves 1 for every further event
2 *The NC to attempt to implement Resolves 2 for every further event and inform attendees when this will not be possible
3 *The NC to look into the viability of a palantypist, sign interpretation, streaming, and large video screens of speakers for future events
4* Whomever is responsible for putting together a timetable to discuss it with the representative(s) of disabled caucus on the NC before it is released, to ensure it is accessible.

Support Rape Crisis Centers

NCAFC Edinburgh

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. That women are being disproportionately hurt by the government’s neoliberal agenda;
  2. That women are systematically disadvantaged in our society;
  3. That Rape Crisis Edinburgh are facing huge cuts in funding which may result in closure;
  4. That this will leave hundreds of women vulnerable, with nowhere to go, trapped in abusive environments;
  5. That NUS’s hidden marks campaign last year revealed 1 in 7 students are sexually harassed/assaulted/abused and raped.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. That funding for such vital services should never be cut;
  2. That abuse and rape survivors need and deserve support;
  3. That abuse and rape victims should never be trapped in dangerous situations;
  4. That destroying patriarchy is an important part of destroying capitalism;
  5. That direct action gets the goods.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To call for direct action to help save Rape Crisis Edinburgh;
  2. To publish a leaflet on how to carry out direct action;
  3. To write a letter of solidarity to Rape Crisis Edinburgh.

 

Fuel Poverty

Glasgow University Coalition of Resistance

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. That fuel poverty is a pressing issue not only for pensioners, but for huge sections of society; including students, low paid workers, the unemployed and those on benefits;
  2. Since their introduction, pre­pay gas and electricity meters have been little more than a tax on the most vulnerable sectors of society, who are transferred to the meter system if they are unable to pay their bills;
  3. Failing to top up means being cut off from all energy supplies in the home – such as heating, cooking appliances and even lighting;
  4. Statistics last year show that one in three Scottish families are in fuel poverty, and in 2010 around 13% of people in the UK were on pre­pay meters;
  5. The recent price hikes instigated by the ‘Big Six’ energy companies – British Gas, EDF Energy, E.ON UK, npower, Scottish Power and SSE – have seen bills rise as much as 11%, despite these companies posting significant profits in the past financial year;
  6. Campaign 250 has been instrumental in uniting members of the community in opposition to the price hikes;
  7. Campaign 250 has called for the abolition of pre­pay meters in addition to a £250 winter fuel allowance for those most affected by fuel poverty;
  8. Glasgow University Coalition of Resistance has been responsible for organising a campaign on campus which last December resulted in a demonstration outside Big Six member SSE’s Glasgow Headquarters; closing it down for several hours.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. The consequences of such rises, coupled with an austerity agenda slashing benefits and raising fees means that more than ever before people will face the choice of whether to eat or to heat their homes;
  2. As a result of the above, the amount of people who will be cut off and placed on meters will skyrocket;
  3. Campaigns linking students with wider sections of the community have not only shown concrete results in the past, but are vital in order to combat the harsh austerity agenda instigated by the ConDem government.

Conference resolves to:

  1. To affiliate itself to Campaign 250 nationally;
  2. To release a statement condemning the rise in prices by the Big Six energy providers, and call for the prices rises to be rolled back;
  3. To actively campaign for an end to pre­pay meters by energy companies;
  4. To support the call for a £250 winter fuel allowance for pensioners, the unemployed, benefit recipients, low­ paid workers and students;
  5. To actively campaign on campuses, student unions and the wider community on the issue of fuel poverty.

 

Unite The Union

Glasgow university Coalition of Resistance

NCAFC Scotland Notes:

  1. Unite the Union has recently set up and invested resources into building community branches in Scotland;
  2. These branches have been active in fighting against welfare reforms and cuts taking effect locally as the result of Coalition policies;
  3. Students are also members of the community and are increasingly feeling the effect of Government spending cuts to local services and the welfare state including the NHS, welfare reform and university spending;
  4. For many students it has become the norm to work whilst at university in an attempt to support their studies, many of whom work in part-time jobs which currently offer little union representation;
  5. Students are often regarded as expendable and in many cases are fixed to zero-hour contacts.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. In order to help mount a serious fightback against austerity, it is vital that NCAFC takes an active role in supporting community initiatives of which students play a part in.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. Commit to support and work with Unite the Union’s Community Membership, a membership that is open to unemployed people, FE and Higher Education students and students who are working part time to support themselves;
  2. Support the formation of student branches at universities and colleges where feasible;
  3. Encourage working students to join Unite the Union or other relevant trade unions;
  4. Inform students of their rights in the workplace and in any issues regarding tenancy with the goal of empowering them to campaign around these issues and other issues which affect their wider communities;
  5. Work together with other Community Membership branches in Scotland to support campaigns and achieve mutual aims.

Independence

International Socialist Group

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. Decisions about education cuts and fees in Scotland are made in Holyrood;
  2. Lamont’s attacks on universal benefits have moved Scottish Labour even closer to the Westminster austerity consensus, and they are now positioned to the right of the Scottish Government on almost every political issue;
  3. One of the main debates in the 2014 independence referendum is about how to save the welfare state, which is being dismantled by the austerity regime in all parts of Britain;
  4. The Radical Independence Conference, attended by over 900, was the largest anti-austerity, anti-imperialist Left unity conference in Scotland for decades.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. There is a different pace of events in Scotland to England, and the Left in Scotland will pursue a conservative strategy if it waits for action in England before coordinating and acting itself;
  2. Coordination and solidarity between Scottish and RUK students is absolutely fundamental, and both groups must move to greater European and global coordination;
  3. We need to work for free education with students from all political parties if they are committed to opposing all cuts and fees;
  4. A victory for Better Together would be a victory for the most reactionary sectors of Scottish society and the austerity agenda in Westminster;
  5. The Scottish Left cannot stand aside from the debate on independence, because the debate offers a crucial opportunity in the short-medium term to put issues like the £80 billion waste of money on Trident on the table, which could reinvigorate anti-cuts politics.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To declare support for Scottish independence;
  2. To encourage a debate inside National Union of Students (NUS) Scotland on how independence could create a new deal for students and workers, and lobby for a pro-independence policy in NUS Scotland;
  3. To affiliate to the Radical Independence Campaign and other groups, particularly the anti-Trident national demo in April 13-15;
  4. To encourage joint moves towards RUK, pan-European, and global networks of resistance.

NUS Scotland and NCAFC Scotland

NCAFC Edinburgh

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. The National Union of Students Scotland is a representative body for students across the whole of Scotland;
  2. That NUS Scotland is an active and political body which has achieved secured notable victories;
  3. That NUS Scotland is fundamentally a lobbyist organisation;
  4. That a number of Universities and Colleges in Scotland are unaffiliated to NUS Scotland;
  5. That often NUS Scotland election campaigns are based on personal friendships rather than political affiliations.

NCAFC Scotland believes:

  1. That active engagement in currently existing structures is vital for a movement such as NCAFC to grow and gain influence;
  2. That only through delivery of a concrete critique of power which relates to ongoing struggles shall fundamental change be won for society;
  3. That the student movement has a role to play in raising the level of class consciousness;
  4. That a lobbyist approach can yield results but works best when it’s backed up by direct action and mass mobilisation, either threatened or ongoing;
  5. That at this current moment it is crucial that groups such as NCAFC Scotland stage targeted interventions in NUS Scotland’s political discussions and decision making process;
  6. That these interventions should be overtly political and aim to shift the debate to align more broadly with NCAFC’s aims and objectives;
  7. That careerism is the venom poisoning the heart of the student movement and must be challenged where at all possible.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To provide support in terms of finances, logistics and campaigners to any groups on a campus not already affiliated to NUS who wish to run an affiliation campaign;
  2. To actively engage in NUS Scotland’s discussions and democratic decision making processes with the aim of shifting the debate to align more broadly with NCAFC’s aims and objectives;
  3. To do so under the banner of NCAFC Scotland and through the use of explicitly political slogans such as “Tax the rich to fund education” and “Expropriate the banks”;
  4. To stand or support candidates for the NUS Scotland SEC on a platform of national agitation and challenging careerism in the heart of the student movement;
  5. To act where NUS Scotland can or will not by calling for occupations, direct action and mass demonstrations when necessary;
  6. To work with interested parties to achieve the above.

 

Fund Education, Scrap Trident

International Socialist Group

NCAFC Scotland notes:

  1. The cost of renewing Trident, Britain’s nuclear weapons system, has risen to £100 billion;
  2. According to the Treasury, by mid-2010 Britain had spent more than £20 billion on the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan;
  3. The cost of Britain’s war on Libya last year totaled £1.75 billion;
  4. Many thousands of students and young people have played a key role in opposing wars and calling for end to Britain’s nuclear weapons system;
  5. That since 2010 funding for courses at colleges and universities has been slashed;
  6. Students from lower socio-economic backgrounds, Black and minority ethnic students, Students with disabilities and impairments, women students and LGBT+ students as well as students who are parents and/or carers are being cut out of further and higher education due to the withdrawal of vital funding for support services, such as counselling and mental health services, Education Maintenance Allowance (E.M.A) and the health in pregnancy grant;
  7. That there will be a mass anti-trident demonstration in Glasgow on April 13th, called by CND, Faslane Peace Camp, ‘No to NATO’ Coalition, the Scottish Green party and the Radical Independence Campaign;
  8. That a ‘Fund Education, Scrap Trident’ Bloc is being organised for this demonstration, with students mobilising from across Scotland.

NCAFC Scotland believes

  1. That education is a social good and should be a right and not a privilege;
  2. That students play a vital and progressive role in civil society and we should engage in national and international debates;
  3. That Nuclear Weapons and other weapons of mass destruction are immoral and should be opposed;
  4. The money that funds the maintenance of nuclear weapons and illegal wars would be better spent on providing education and welfare.

NCAFC Scotland resolves:

  1. To work with CND, RIC and other organisations that campaign against Trident replacement;
  2. To officially support, publicise and help to organise transport to the ‘Scrap Trident’ demonstration on April 13th in Glasgow;
  3. To support further actions which oppose nuclear weapons and Trident replacement.

NCAFC Scotland Conference Details

ncafc-1109-jpeg-07The first NCAFC Scotland conference is approaching! Here’s the info you need:

Please don’t forget to register before coming to conference!

Time
Conference will begin promptly at 11am on Saturday February 16th and end at 5pm on Sunday (17th). Please be on time because we always have a lot to discuss and the conference can’t be extended because people who’ve traveled a long way need time to get home.

Travel
Travel can be subsidised on request! We want NCAFC to be open to all, and we don’t want lack of funds to block your participation! So if you need,  please e-mail [email protected]

Location
If you’re arriving Friday night call Gordon Maloney 07879550811 to sort out accomodation.
If you arrive on Saturday go straight to Butchart Centre, University Road, AB24 3UT

Accomodation
Accomodation will be provided for free to varying degree of comfort because beds should be given to those who need them. Please bring your own sleeping bags and pillows if possible. While we will make every effort to find accommodation for everyone attending conference we can only guarantee you a place if you register in advance.

Motions
You can submit your motions to  [email protected] by 5pm on February 8th, and they will be posted online by noon on the 11th. The amendment deadline for these motions will be midnight on  the 15th and will then be published that day at noon (the day before Conference). Please submit motions through your local campaigns groups (such as Aberdeen Defend Education Campaign) or political parties. This method makes conference politics easier to navigate for newcomers by allowing an honest and open debate about who is proposing what and why. We hope only well-thought-out motions will be submitted, because it makes  for a better motions process.

Access
If you have any access requirements, e-mail [email protected] or call Hona 07952315094 with any access requirements in advance of the conference. It is hard for us to guarantee access requirements are met on the day of conference, so if you could let us know in advance would be great !

Agenda

You can find the full agenda for conference here.

NCAFC Scotland Founding Conference Agenda

This is the agenda for the NCAFC Scotland Founding Conference, being held in Aberdeen on the 16th and 17th of February. Further information for attending members of NCAFC shall be released soon.

Attending members are asked to arrive promptly at 10 am for conference registration. For reasons of accessibility this agenda is inflexible and the guillotine shall fall precisely at the scheduled end of each session.

To register to attend the NCAFC Scotland founding conference click here.

If you wish to submit a motion to be debated at conference please note that the submission deadline is 5pm on Friday the 8th of February and that it should be sent to [email protected]

 

Day one

Registration    10 am
Introductory Plenary    11 am
Workshops:    11.30 am

A) What is a Democratic Union?
B) Post-16 Education Bill – Governance
C) Making Activism Accessible

Lunch    12.30 pm
Nominations Close and Motion Session    1.15 pm
Break    2.45 pm
LGBTQ Caucus    3 pm
Workshops:    3.45 pm

A) College Regionalisation and FE funding
B) International Students Fight Back

Break    4.30 pm
Women’s Caucus    4.45 pm
Plenary:  Independence – A Left-Wing Solution?   5.30 pm
Break    6.15 pm
Hustings    6.30 pm
Day Close,  election count and social   7.30 pm

Day two

Election results, Housekeeping and Introductory Plenary    10.30 am
Break     11 am
Workshops:   11.15 am

A) HE Funding in Scotland and England – An Overview
B) Students and Workers, Students as Workers
C) SU Elections – How and Why?

Black Power Caucus  12 pm
Lunch    12.45 pm
Motion Session    1.30 pm
Break    3 pm
Disabled Caucus    3.15 pm
Plenary:  What We Want from NUS    4 pm
Break    4.45 pm
Closing Discussion    5 pm
Conference Close    6 pm

Download PDF Agenda

Motions and amendments at NCAFC conference

Motions to NCAFC conference, December 2012

 

For ease of reference, you can also see a handy diagram for motion 3 by clicking here: NCAFCstructure

Order of motions

  1. Proposed standing orders and rules of conduct (NCAFC Secretariat)
    1. Safer Spaces Policy (NCAFC Secretariat)
    2. Challenging bullying in the student movement (Edmund Schluessel)
  2. Access at NCAFC Events (Access at NCAFC Events)
    1. Amendment 1 (Matthew Reuben)
    2. Amendment 2 (Matthew Reuben)
  3. NCAFC Constitutional Proposal (UCL Defend Education)
    1. Amendement 1: NCAFC Charter of political goals (UCL)
      1.                                          i.    Environmental amendment to Charter (Tom Youngman, UCL)
    2. Amendment 2 (Edward Maltby)
    3. Amendment 3 (Edward Maltby)
    4. Amendment 4: FFSU (Simon Furse, Birmingham)
  4. Developing the NCAFC (ULU)
    1. Amendment 1: international links (Omar Raii)
    2. Amendment 2: semantics of ‘expropriation’ (Michael Chessum)
  5. Student Worker Motion (Ruskin College Plebs League)
    1. Amendment 1 (Ben Towse)
  6. Defend the NHS (Workers Liberty students)
  7. Bring Back EMA! (Student Broad Left)
    1. Amendment1: (Roshni Joshi)
  8. Free education and the Labour Movement (Royal Holloway Labour Club)
  9. Student housing (Newcastle anti-cuts network)
  10. Abolish all debt (ULU)
  11. NUS and the left: unity to demand a fighting NUS: take on the Tories and austerity

12. Venezuela shows there is an alternative (Student Broad Left)

13. Fund Education Not War (Student Broad Left

a.  Amendment 1 (Bob Sutton)

b. Amendment 2 (Naomi Beecroft)

14.              Emergency motions


Proposed Standing Orders and debating procedure

Conference procedures

The Secretariat is responsible for allocating chairs to sessions and for running the debates, including procedural motions and compositing. They sit near the chair, and may not vote.

The debating procedure is as follows:

1. A proposing speech for the motion

2. Debates on any amendments to the main motion, which follow the procedure in 1, 3, 4, 5 and 6.

3. An equally timed opposing speech against the motion

4. Further debate at the chair’s discretion until the debate is balanced

5. Parts procedure

6. A vote. If the chair deems that there is a clear majority, they may declare the motion passed or fallen. If the chair cannot call the vote, the vote must be counted by the Secretariat, who may ask for assistance from members of the NC.

 

The parts procedure is as follows:

-          Any conference attendee may call for parts by specifying them in writing to the chair

-          The parts may be to REMOVE or PASS any part of any motion or amendment

-          The chair shall call one timed speech in favour of the parts (property of their proposer) and one equally timed speech against. They may call more if the debate is contentious and there is time.

 

Procedural motions are as follows

1. A challenge to the chair’s ruling on a vote: if this passes a revote on the motion or amendment will be held without further debate.

2. A call for a revote on any given amendment or motion: if this passes a revote on the motion or amendment will be held without further debate.

3. A call for a recount on any given amendment or motion: if this passes a count will take place again.

4. A call for more speeches on any given amendment or motion: if this passes, another round of speeches will be held. (The chair may also accept this motion without a vote).

5. No confidence in the Chair: if this passes, a new Chair will be elected from the floor by show of hands.

6. A call for a suspension of procedural motions: if this passes, no procedural motions may be proposed other than motion 8.

7. A call for a change in the agenda: if this passes, the agenda will be amended accordingly.

8. A reinstatement of procedural motions: if this passes, the outcome of motion 6 is reversed.

 

Procedural motions take precedence over the debating procedure. They can be proposed by any conference attendee.  In the case of motion 5, the Chair will vacate, and the debate will be chaired by a member of the Secretariat.

 

Elections at conference

The following elections shall take place at conference:

  • Elections for the National Committee
  • Elections in autonomous caucuses

 

The Secretariat have responsibility for co-ordinating non-autonomous elections at conference, and appointing a Returning Officer or returning Officers. Returning Officers have responsibility for running and announcing elections at conference, and may not run for election themselves.

 

The elections for non-autonomous elections shall be held as follows:

-          Candidates must nominate themselves by a set deadline

-          Candidates running for the same position shall be given the same allocated hustings length

-          The voting system shall be Single Transferable Vote

-          If a gender quota system is in place, ballots will be counted regardless of it in the first instance. The lowest ordinarily elected non-quota candidates will then be excluded from the count, and candidates on the quota promoted, until the quota has been satisfied.

 

Liberation, section and regional caucuses shall hold elections for their positions as follows:

-          Elections must be held at every conference. (Caucuses may also hold additional elections at training caucuses if they vote to do so).

-          Elections shall be run by an appointee of the caucus.

-          Candidates shall make elections speeches, and have equal time allocated

-          Elections may be approved by show of hands if any position is uncontested; if not, Alternative Vote must be used

 

 

Amendment 1: Add Safer Spaces Policy

Anyone who comes to NCAFC-organised events is subject to this policy.

NCAFC cannot fully meet its goals if it is not fully inclusive, or if it leaves any demographic feeling marginalised, unrepresented, or unwelcome. This safe space policy is designed to ensure that meetings take place in a considerate and relevant manner, without participants being undermined for discriminatory reasons.

If someone violates these agreements three times, they will be asked to leave the space. The three-strike policy can be bypassed if a serious infraction of these agreements happens, to the extent that someone feels unsafe. Examples of serious infractions include, but are not limited to, harassment, bullying, theft, sexual harassment, sexual assault and threatening or violent behaviour. NCAFC takes all violations of these agreements seriously, so please don’t hesitate to make your concerns known.

1. To ensure that the safe(r) space policy is followed, it is imperative that the chairing process is not impeded.

2. Discrimination of any kind is unacceptable and will be challenged. This includes, but is not limited to: racism, ageism, homophobia, biphobia, transphobia, sexism, body-shaming, slut-shaming or ableism. Similarly, prejudice based on ethnicity, nationality, class, gender identity, gender presentation, language, ability, asylum status, political or religious affiliation will not be tolerated.

3. Respect each other’s physical and emotional boundaries. Always get explicit verbal consent before touching someone or crossing boundaries, regardless of the intentions behind the contact. Sexual harassment or sexual assault will lead to the perpetrator being banned from meetings and police involvement, if desired by the victim(s), will be fully supported. If you encounter any kind of harassment or assault please let us know, so that those responsible can be dealt with.

4. Be aware of the social space you occupy, as well as the positions and privileges you may be conveying, including racial, class and gender privilege. If a member of a liberation strand requests that you change your use of language regarding topics about their liberation strand, please be respectful and change your use of language. If you are unsure as to the reason your language was inappropriate or offensive, please politely contact the relevant liberation strand officers.

5. Avoid assuming the opinions and identifications of other participants. Examples include, but are not limited to, assumptions regarding sex, sexuality, gender identity, preferred personal pronouns, neurotypicality, able-bodied status, socio-economic background, political opinion, relationship model and religious beliefs.

6. Recognize that we try not to judge, put each other down or compete.

7. Be aware of the language you use in discussion and how you relate to others. Try to speak slowly, clearly and use uncomplicated language. Please do not applaud people as it impacts on the accessibility of events. If you are unsure of the terminology relating to another’s circumstances it is generally preferable to seek clarification, rather than risk using inaccurate or stereotyping terms.

8. The group endeavours as much as is feasible to ensure that meeting spaces are as accessible as possible to the widest range of people. Where it is allowed by the venue, there will be a supervised quiet/safe space room available at every event. In addition to this, if there has not been an access break in the previous 90 minutes, or if the atmosphere of a meeting has become counter-productive to reasoned discussion, then an access break of no less than 10 minutes must be taken by everyone, if requested by any one person.

9. Conferences, training events and workshops are alcohol- and illicit drug-free. There shall be no consumption of alcohol in the venue during the specified conference, training event or workshop times. Social events organised outside of these by NCAFC will allow the consumption of alcohol, unless stated otherwise by the event organisers.

10. Foster a spirit of mutual respect: listen to the wisdom everyone brings to the group and treat people with respect.

11. Give each person the time and space to speak. In large groups, or for groups using facilitation: use the approved hand signals to indicate you wish to speak. These hand signals will be clarified at the start of each discussion.

12. “Respect the person; challenge their behaviour.”: whilst a person’s behaviour may be problematic, everyone deserves to be treated with dignity and their behaviour does not negate that fact.

13. Whilst ground rules are collective responsibility, everyone is also personally responsible for their own behaviour.

 

Amendment 2: Challenging Bullying in the student movement: Edmund Schluessel

Notes:

1. A culture of bullying is rife throughout the NUS and its member unions, targeted at anyone who challenges established order.

Believes:

1. This culture puts the health of many student activists and the health of the student movement at risk.

2. This culture is not confined to any one faction or political aligment.

Resolves:

1. We will work to propose a constructive solution to the culture of bullying in the student movement

2. We will speak openly about bullying and its consequences

3. We will examine our own behaviour as individuals and a movement as a step to this openness.

 

NOTE: IF PASSED AS PART OF THE MOTION, AMENDMENT 2 WILL ONLY PASS AS AN ORDINARY MOTION, NOT AS A PART OF THE STANDING  ORDERS


Access at NCAFC Events

NCAFC Disabled

Notes

1 *That there are a number of disabled people, and people with access requirements that regularly attend, or might wish to attend NCAFC events

2 *That NCAFC currently has no accessibility policy

3 *That NCAFC Disabled Caucus ran a session on access needs during the liberation session, and took suggestions for what would be necessary from as many people as possible

Believes

1 *That more disabled people will feel comfortable attending NCAFC events if access information is made clear from the outset

2 *That access has been severely compromised at previous NCAFC events and this is not acceptable

Resolves

1 *To implement the following as standard for all NCAFC Events:

-A method of asking people to declare access needs when registering for the conference

-Documents (motions, timetable, any other documents) being released online as .doc and .pdf a week in advance of the conference to allow people time to print or prepare for them as necessary

-The venue being a location with accessible public transport links

-Information regarding whether the venue is wheelchair accessible to be released at the same time as the venue is released

-Access breaks of at least 20 minutes, at least every 90 minutes, to be standard, timetabled, and not to be voted on

-Explanation being given to all delegates regarding the inappropriate nature of clapping and whooping, and hand signals to be explained instead

-Explanation being given about why ableist language is no more acceptable than homophobic, transphobic, racist, or sexist language

2 *To attempt to implement the following at all NCAFC events, and inform attendees as early as possible if this cannot be implemented

-A timetable to be kept to exactly, without any unexpected changes, delays or alterations

-A microphone and hearing loop system, both to ensure people are able to hear the debate

-All venues to be fully wheelchair accessible, with ramps and lifts as necessary

-Members of the NC who can be approached for assistance to be easily visually identifiable

-All documents available on coloured paper or with coloured acetate overlays

-Sweets and water to be available on or near conference floor

-A quiet area to be present for people if they wish to leave conference floor

Mandates

1 *The NC to implement all of Resolves 1 for every further event

2 *The NC to attempt to implement Resolves 2 for every further event and inform attendees when this will not be possible

3 *The NC to look into the viability of a palantypist, sign interpretation, streaming, and large video screens of speakers for future events

 

Amendment 1: Matthew Reuben, Royal Holloway

ADDS:

Resolves 4*: Whomever is responsible for putting together a timetable to discuss it with the representative(s) of disabled caucus on the NC before it is released, to ensure it is accessible.

Amendment 2: Matthew Reuben, Royal Holloway

DELETES

-Access breaks of at least 20 minutes, at least every 90 minutes, to be standard, timetabled, and not to be voted on

REPLACES

-Access breaks of at least 15 minutes, at least every 90 minutes, to be standard, timetabled, and not to be voted on


National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts Constitution

UCL Defend Education

 

Section 1: What we stand for

[Blank. If no amendments pass to put content in here, other sections will be renumbered accordingly]

 

 

Section 2: Alteration

Only conference or an Emergency Delegate Conference may amend the constitution (with a two-thirds majority) and standing orders (with a simple majority).

Proposals to amend the constitution or standing orders should be circulated one week in advance of any conference in at least three of the following ways:

  • Around the National Committee e-list
  • Around the NCAFC discuss list
  • On the NCAFC website
  • In the NCAFC newsletter

 

 

Section 3: Membership and affiliations

A. Membership

1. Membership of the NCAFC is open to all supporters of the campaign.

2. Membership costs £1 per year, and members are expected to broadly support the Campaign’s activities.

3. Being a member of the NCAFC give you the right to:

  • Attend and speak at NCAFC Conferences
  • Vote on proposals and in elections at NCAFC Conferences
  • Stand for election at NCAFC Conference and its autonomous caucuses
  • Submit amendments to proposals at NCAFC Conferences

Members will also be put on a regular bulletin email, and will get updates from the campaign on a regular basis

4. Membership lists and procedures are the responsibility of the National Committee

5. Individual memberships may be terminated by a 2/3 majority of Conference or the NC if it is deemed necessary for the safety of others or basic functioning of the Campaign.

 

B. Affiliated Groups from Campuses and Departments

1. Affiliation is open to any activist group on any campus or in any academic department in the UK who shares NCAFC’s purpose. (References to ‘anticuts groups’ in these documents are a catch-all term)

2. Group affiliations pay an amount of money each year, even if symbolic, and are expected to generally support NCAFC’s projects.

3. Being an affiliated group gives groups the right to:

  • Submit proposals to NCAFC Conferences
  • Attend Emergency Delegate Conferences if they are called

4. Groups affiliate by submitting a list of at least 10 names and email addresses (if an HE campus) or at least 3 names and email addresses (if an FE campus, school or academic department). Affiliation must then be ratified by the National Committee, who have ultimate responsibility for affiliations.

5. Affiliations may be terminated by a 2/3 majority of Conference or the NC if it is deemed necessary for the basic functioning of the Campaign.

6. For the avoidance of doubt, this affiliation procedure is separate from the one for Student Unions in the Federation of Fighting Student Unions

 

 

Section 4: Structures of NCAFC

A. Conferences

Conferences are the sovereign body of NCAFC. Any member of NCAFC may attend and vote.

1. Calling conferences

  • The National Committee is responsible for calling conferences
  • There shall be at least one conference per academic year
  • Ordinarily, conference should be at least two days long

2. Notice of conference

Notice of conference must be given at least one month in advance online

The NC will also make efforts to promote conferences by off-line methods, such as ringing around and producing leaflets and posters.

3. Conference agenda setting

  • The NC and the Secretariat has ultimate responsibility for setting the agenda of conference
  • Ordinarily, this will be delegated to a working group

 

4. Submission of proposals and motions

  • A motions and proposals deadline must be set by the Secretariat ahead of conference
  • Local anti-cuts groups affiliated to NCAFC, and student unions affiliated to the Federation of Fighting Student Unions, and any organised political grouping within NCAFC, have the right to submit policy for the motions and proposals debates
  • Any individual member of NCAFC has the right to submit amendments to motions and proposals

5. Conference agenda composition

Conference’s primary purpose is:

  • To debate motions and constitutional amendments
  • To elect a National Committee
  • To host autonomous caucuses
  • To provide a space for open discussion of NCAFC’s actions and strategy

The NC will meet immediately after every conference.

If the conference is two or more days long, there must be time given over to:

  • Liberation caucuses, at least 45 minutes long – which cannot overlap with each other, or with any other conference business
  • Regional and national caucuses, at least 45 minutes long

 

6. Remitting

  • Conference may vote, by simple majority, to remit any matter to the National Committee. If this happens, the National Committee is vested with all the powers of conference on that matter

B. Committees

NCAFC has two standing committees: the National Committee (NC) and the Secretariat

1. National Committee

The NC is elected at conferences, and is responsible for co-ordinating NCAFC’s political work. It is the sovereign body between conferences.

Members of the NC are expected to broadly support NCAFC’s projects.

2. The National Committee consists of:

  • 14 members elected by single transferable vote (with 40% reserved for women)
  • 1 voting representative for each Liberation Campaign (which can be shared)
  • 1 voting representative for each Region or Nation (which can be shared)
  • 1 voting representative for each Section (which can be shared)

Where a vote is shared, the representatives present must come to a majority view of how to vote; if not, they must abstain.

Sections and Regions are self-organising groups, and exist once they are recognised by the NC.

Any NCAFC member may attend NC meetings, and the NC can invite others if it wishes to. The NC can establish working groups of whoever it wants to take on various projects.

3. The Secretariat

The Secretariat is made up of non-NC members elected by the NC, and is responsible for the smooth and democratic running of NCAFC’s events, especially conference.

4. The Secretariat consists of:

  • 3 members elected by the National Committee

Members of the Secretariat should have access to all communications that NC members have. Members of the Secretariat are may take a fully political role in any activity outside of conference.

5. Accountability of Committees

Members of the National Committee are accountable to Conference, Emergency Delegate Conferences, their caucus, and to the NC itself. They can be removed:

  • By the body that elected them
  • By an Emergency Delegate Conference, or in a constituted caucus at an EDC
  • In the case of the Block of 14, by a two-thirds vote of the NC, on the written request of 5 affiliated local groups.

C. Emergency Delegate conferences

In periods of ‘national high struggle’, where a surge in the student movement is forming and needs to find direction and collective discussion, the NC shall call an emergency delegate conference to allow direct control for the grassroots.

1. Calling Emergency Delegate Conferences

  • Emergency delegate conferences can be called by a majority of the NC; or
  • By a majority of affiliated local groups, providing that this is at least 10

2. Attendance and voting at Emergency Delegate Conferences

  • The National Committee shall set a delegate entitlement on the basis of student numbers FTE at the campus, NCAFC membership size, or on the basis of departmental and faculty level organising, or a combination of these.
  • All delegates and all members of the NC except the Block of 14 may vote.
  • All delegates must be openly selected by their campus group or departmental/faculty group
  • Delegations from ‘not-yet’ affiliated anticuts groups may attend the Emergency Delegate Conference on the basis that their attendance is taken to mean affiliation

The NC will ensure that transport and accommodation costs are not a barrier to attendance.

3. Powers of Emergency Delegate Conferences

  • EDCs can call any action, pass any proposal, and may amend the constitution
  • EDCs can recall the Block of 14 and elect a new one, if there is a 2/3 majority
  • EDCs shall have autonomous caucuses, and these can vote to recall and re-elect reps
  • The NC is accountable to, and bound by, EDC

 

 

Section 5: The Federation of Fighting Student Unions

1. The Federation of Fighting Student Unions exists to:

  • Receive affiliation fees from affiliated student unions
  • On behalf of NCAFC, provide affiliated student unions with
    • Activist training
    • Advice and guidance on radical reforms of their structures
    • On tap advice for students and officers
    • Welfare and support for students and officers
  • Fund NCAFC’s broader activities

2. Officers of the FFSU:

The National Committee shall elect 5 voting members of the FFSU Committee to carry out the task of providing support and services. These shall be:

  • Treasurer
  • Activist Welfare Officer
  • Activist Training Officer
  • Union Structures Officer
  • Fundraising Officer

These officers shall be jointly accountable to the NC and the FFSU.

3. Affiliations from Student Unions

  • Unions affiliate through their own democratic structures
  • The affiliation fees for student unions should be set at the end of the academic year to be ready for affiliations from September. (In the first instance of this Constitution, the NC will set this before the beginning of 2013 to allow affiliations in the new term).
  • Affiliation fees shall be set as a ratio of money to FTE equivalent student numbers, or as a proportion of any union’s affiliation fee to NUS, or as a proportion of reserves, or as a proportion of turnover, or as any combination of any of these.
  • Affiliation fees shall be agreed between the FFSU and the National Committee

4. Decision-making structures

The Committee of the Federation of Fighting Student Unions is made up of:

  • One delegate from each affiliated union representing under 10,000 students and two for every union representing over 10,000
  • The 5 operational roles elected by the National Committee

5. Affiliation approval

Student union affiliations must be approved by the NCAFC national committee or conference.  NC and Conference may also terminate an affiliation by a 2/3 majority if it is deemed necessary for the basic functioning of FFSU and NCAFC.

6. Powers of the FFSU

The FFSU Committee is empowered to:

  • Provide support to its member unions
  • Approve or unapprove large spends, defined as over £5000, and any employment
  •  Hold its operational officers to account (but not remove them without the will of NC)
  • Act as an additional co-ordinating body for collective actions of student unions

 

 

Section 6: Employment

1. The National Committee may from time to time pay members of the NC, or of the campaign, in order to co-ordinate the campaign’s activities.

2. The NC will ensure that any money used on staff is well-spent.

3. The NC will ensure that anyone on a stipend is accountable and responsible.

4. The NC will co-ordinate the decision with the Federation of Fighting Student Unions, and that any paid employment does not simply replicate student union staff

5. The NC will ensure that paid employment for the NCAFC does not simply replicate employment by a political group within the NCAFC

6. The NC will have regard for Liberation in its employment decisions.

 

 

Amendment 1: NCAFC should adopt a core Charter of political goals

 

UCL Defend Education

 

NCAFC Believes

  1. That a core political declaration of key goals in relation to education and research would be useful in order to more clearly define NCAFC and the radical wing of the student movement, and could form a focal point for unity.

 

NCAFC Resolves

  1. To adopt the following Charter as a core statement of our goals in Section 1 of the constitution.
  2. To invite others in the student and education worker movements to unite around this Charter as well.

 

We want schools, colleges, universities and research institutions and the work they do to be public, democratic, open and accessible to all, and to be oriented towards free enquiry, the needs and interests of society, and liberation from existing hierarchies and oppressions. We reject the idea that private profit, exploitation and marketization can bring the education system any benefit, and we unite to resist the neoliberal assault on education and research and to defend the concepts of education and research as social goods.

 

This is inevitably an incomplete set of goals, but it forms our common ground as activists in education and research.

 

We seek:

The abolition of all fees in higher and further education and the abolition of all student debt owed.

The reversal of all budget cuts to education and research.

An adequate maintenance grant to allow every student over 16 to live independently, out of poverty.

Free care services and additional maintenance support for every student with one or more dependents.

A living wage, a safe workplace, a live-able pension, holiday pay, sick pay and a maximum 35 hour week for every education and research worker, every apprentice and every intern, with an end to privatisation and outsourcing in our institutions.

Recognition of research students as workers as well as students, with associated rights to limited hours, minimum pay, healthy and safe workplaces, holidays, sick leave, academic freedom, and protection from harassment and unfair dismissal.

An end to racist, xenophobic and discriminatory treatment of international students. Abolish international fees, open the borders and end surveillance.

An academic environment that is feminist, pro-LBGTQ, anti-racist and anti-ableist, and that actively works against oppression and for inclusion.

Campuses safe from surveillance and harassment on grounds of religious and political beliefs. Police off our campuses, and an end to the use of education workers to enforce police and immigration controls and surveillance.

Academic freedom for all – freedom to teach, learn, enquire and publish must not be limited by, or subject to, the goals of the state or those of the owners of industry.

All schools, colleges and universities to be run not-for-profit under the full and democratic control of their staff, students and communities, including all currently private and profit-making institutions. The abolition of unelected, unaccountable management.

Knowledge open to all – our lectures, museums, books and journals must be accessible to all, free of charge, to create truly open, common and public educational institutions.

An end to investment in and links with exploitative, unsustainable and violent industries, including the arms trade – education must not be founded on the suffering of others.

These are to be funded using the wealth of those who can afford it: we demand progressive and fully enforced taxation of business and the rich, and the socialisation, under democratic student and worker control, of currently privatised elements of the education system.

 

We will organise in our classrooms, libraries and laboratories, and in our workplaces, our communities and the streets. We will organise through democratic assemblies at the lowest possible levels. We will demonstrate, we will lobby, and we will take direct action and industrial action. We will build solidarity and cooperation between students, workers and the unemployed. We will seek to dismantle, rather than perpetuate, existing oppressions and hierarchies within our communities and campaigns. We will not relent and we do not seek merely to register our dissatisfaction – we will settle for nothing less than free and emancipatory education and decent living standards for all, whether it takes months, or decades.

 

Amendment 1 to amendment 1 (yes, there can be amendments to amendments – just chill out): Tom Youngman

ADDS at end of bullet points

“Sustainable education and research – our institutions must function in an environmentally sustainable way, and their activity must contribute in theory and in practice to forward-thinking, socially just solutions to local and global threats and crises such as climate change.”

 

Amendment 2: Edward Maltby

That Section 5 be discussed as an ordinary motion, and if passed be passed as ordinary policy – not as a part of the constitution requiring a 2/3 conference vote to pass, overturn or amend.

NOTE: If this passes, Section 5 of the constitutional proposal and Amendment 4 will be removed from the rest of the motion proposal, and discussed as an ordinary motion BEFORE the next motion. This amendment DELETES Amendment 3

 

 

Amendment 3: Edward Maltby

That conference discuss Section 5 but not vote on it and remit Section 5 to the National Committee for further discussion and broad consultation before adopting or implementing policy on the question.

NOTE: If this passes, Section 5 of the constitutional proposal and Amendment 4 will be remitted to the National Committee. The National Committee will, under the new constitution, have the power to alter the constitution in line with the proposals remitted.

 

Amendment 4: NCAFC Constitutional Proposal, Simon Furse

Section 5: The Federation of Fighting Students Unions

 

NCAFC conference will call for the creation of a Federation of Fighting Students. A federal organisation dedicated to the creation and maintenance of a permanent force pushing against the power of University and College management, The Government, and the Economic Elite.

 

1. The Federation of Fighting Students Unions exists to:

  • Receive affiliation fees from affiliated student unions and anti-cuts groups
  • On behalf of NCAFC,provide affiliated student unions and anti-cuts groups with
    • Activist training
    • Advice and Guidance on how to build strong campus anti-cuts movements
    • Advice and guidance on radical reforms of their structures
    • On tap advice for students and officers
    • Welfare and support for students and officers
    • Fund NCAFC’s broader activities other organisations and campaigns.

2. Officers of the FFSU:

The National Committee The FFS conference shall elect 5 voting members of the FFSU Committee to carry out the task of providing support and services. These shall be:

  • Treasurer
  • Activist Welfare Officer
  • Activist Training Officer
  • Union Structures Officer
  • Fundraising Officer

These officers shall be jointly accountable to the NC and the FFSU Committee and conference.

3. Affiliations from Student Unions

  • Unions affiliate through their own democratic structures
  • The affiliation fees for student unions should be set at the end of the academic year to be ready for affiliations from September. (In the first instance of this Constitution, initial members will set this before the beginning of 2013 to allow affiliations in the new term).
  • Affiliation fees shall be set as a ratio of money to FTE equivalent student numbers, or as a proportion of any union’s affiliation fee to NUS, or as a proportion of reserves, or as a proportion of turnover, or as any combination of any of these.
  • Affiliation fees shall be agreed by between the FFSU committee and the National Committee

4. Affiliations from Anti-cuts groups

  • Anti-cuts groups affiliate through their own democratic processes
  • Each Anti-cuts group must show they have 50 members who wish to affiliate by providing the FFS committee with their contact details
  • The affiliation fee for an anti-cuts group would be a minimum of £100 per year (£2 per person per year) but should be more if the members can afford it (especially in the case of Sabbs etc.)

5. Decision-making structures FFS Committee

The Committee of the Federation of Fighting Student Unions is made up of:

  • §  One delegate from each affiliated union representing under 10,000 students and two for every union representing over 20,000 and one from each affiliated anti-cuts group (It is possible for one campus to have two votes)
  • The 5 operational roles elected by the National Committee
  • The combined vote of the officers should be capped at 25% of the full FFS committee. (If the committee was made up of three delegates plus the officers, they would share one vote)

6.  FFS Conference

  • FFS conference is the sovereign body of the FFS and has ultimate decision making power
  • The FFS conference will be made up of delegates from each union and anti-cuts group
  • Delegates to FFS conference must be elected.
  • Each affiliated union will get two delegates, or one if they represent less than 50% of the largest affiliated union
  • Each affiliated anti-cuts group will receive one delegate per 50 members and £100 affiliation fee, to a maximum of four delegates. For example an anti-cuts group with 100 members, paying an affiliation fee of at least £200 would receive two delegates.
  • At least half of each delegation (rounded down) will self-define as women or as a non-binary gender.
  • The constitution of the FFS can only be changed by conference on the basis of a simple majority.

7. Affiliation approval

Student union affiliations must be approved by the NCAFC national FFS committee or conference.  NC and Conference They may also terminate an affiliation by a 2/3 majority if it is deemed necessary for the basic functioning of FFSU and NCAFC.

6. Powers of the FFSU

The FFSU Committee is empowered to:

  • §  Provide support to its member unions
  • §  Approve or unapprove large spends, defined as over £5000, and any employment
  • §  Hold its operational officers to account (but not remove them without the will of NC)
  • §  Act as an additional co-ordinating body for collective actions of student unions

 

 

 


Developing the NCAFC

 

University of London Union


The NCAFC has now existed for almost three years. During that time the campaign has served an irreplaceable function as the only national left-wing student organisation uniting in struggle, on the basis of honest cooperation and an open democracy, activists with widely differing political views. This has allowed us to play a major role.

The British student movement is noticeably stronger than it was four years ago. However, compared to the upheavals of late 2010 and early 2011, there is a relative lull. It is vital that we use this space to solidify our organisation, reach out to wider layers of activists, step up our political agitation, education and self-education, and develop our campaigns.

It is important that we do not think of the student movement as just waiting for the next big bang. Even a much bigger organisation than ours currently is cannot create mass movements at will. None of us predicted the revolt of winter 2010-11 (though with hindsight we can see its precursors in the Gaza occupations of 2009 and the local anti-cuts battles of 2009-10); no one in Quebec predicted their 2012 student uprising. Major differences between the Quebecois student movement and ours not withstanding, the lesson from Quebec is that ASSE built a solid organisation active in many campaigns and undertaking many initiatives during the quieter periods, creating the conditions for the upheaval, playing a central role in its victory – and developing its organisation out of the struggle.

What we need to do is help student activists Educate, Agitate and Organise around a range of issues, developing our ideas, organisation and campaigns on a variety of levels.

Some of what we need to do will be dealt with in other motions. But over the next sixth months development of the NCAFC should include:

1. On an organisational level: a better functioning, more regularly meeting National Committee, which creates subcommittees and working groups to research and organise on a variety of issues; a proper system of affiliations by local groups, student unions etc; and a concerted drive to extend our network of contact with local groups.
2. Seeking to develop broad, non-sectarian, united student anti-cuts/mobilising committees on every campus, with a focus on making links with campus workers as they resist the squeeze on their pay, terms and conditions which seems to be the main feature of management attacks this year.
3. Relaunching and developing existing campaigns such as Take Back Your Campus and the VC Pledge.
4. Developing campaigns on issues which affect or interest large numbers of students, but are currently neglected by the organised student left, such as housing and the NHS.
5. Building a solid network of FE and school student activists through Schools and Colleges Against Fees and Cuts.
6. Develop the work with and among international students done in the last months.
7. Running a political campaign on who should pay for free education and to rebuild education and public services, focused on two key demands: tax the rich/business and expropriate the banks.
8. Producing more and better NCAFC materials.

 

Amendment 1: Omar Raii, UCL

In point 2 add after “with a focus on” – “fighting cuts and privatisation”

Add New
9. Extending and developing our international links.
10. Producing materials on the content, purpose and control of education under the title “Education for Liberation”.

 

Amendment 2: Michael Chessum, UCL

DELETES

7. Running a political campaign on who should pay for free education and to rebuild education and public services, focused on two key demands: tax the rich/business and expropriate the banks.

REPLACES

7. Running a political campaign on who should pay for free education and to rebuild education and public services, focused on two key demands: tax the rich/business and taking over the wealth of the banks.

 

 

Student Worker Motion

Plebs League – Ruskin College, Oxford

This Conference Notes:

  1. A NUS survey noted – “The overwhelming majority of students, three out of four, take on paid employment to help make ends meet, either during term time or during the holidays. Holiday work is more popular than term time work, with 51 per cent of students planning to work during the holidays” (NUS Student Experience Report, 2008, p.33).
  2. These forms of employment are usually unskilled, low paid and casualised such as within bar or retail work.
  3. The “Supersize My Pay” campaign from the UNITE union in New Zealand which broke legal minimum wage discrimination that existed for the minimum waged young workers as well as the recent Wal-Mart and fast food industrial actions in the USA.
  4. Progress already made by the GMB Trade Union Southern Region Young Members, Royal Holloway University and the University of London Union (ULU) in establishing student worker networks and the successes particularly at Royal Holloway already of winning conditions for students and fighting for recognition with the student union there.

 

This Conference Believes:

  1. That we must begin to help organise students who work on campus and elsewhere not just for better conditions, but as a fundamentally political activity, one that can equip students when they leave university with the skills in their workplaces to fight back but also be part of transforming the labour movement in the here and now.
  2. That NCAFC wherever it is present needs to be part of the argument that students should see themselves as workers: that education we receive is the product of labour, from cleaners, admins to lecturers etc. and to join with these workers for better conditions for all.

 

This Conference Resolves:

  1. To help co-sponsor a speaking tour in the new year of a Wal-Mart and/or fast food striking worker around the UK.
  2. To support circulation in print and online of “Know Your Rights” material to disseminate everywhere NCAFC has a presence in a similar way to ULU.
  3. To advertise online and in print all efforts towards establishing student worker networks and task the incoming national committee to discussions with local Trade Union branches – holding recruitment days on campus, running workshops etc.
  4. 6.    Encourage all students not in employment to be involved with the UNITE community branches here and task the incoming national committee to begin discussions with UNITE on how this can be done.

 

Amendment 1: Ben Towse

DELETES Resolves 6

REPLACES:

Encourage all students not in employment to be involved with initiatives to unionise and organise the unemployed, including but not limited to the UNITE community branches. The incoming national committee should contact and begin discussions with UNITE and other such initiatives on how this can be done.

 Defend the NHS!

 

Workers’ Liberty Students


Conference notes
1. The battles taking place on many fronts to defend the NHS from the Tories’ attempts to dismember it.
2. The recent springing up of many more powerful local campaigns, including for instance the battle to save Lewisham A&E, which has seen many thousands of people on the streets.
3. That many students are active in, and many more interested in and could become involved in, this struggle.

Conference believes
1. That the NHS represents a limited piece of the what Marx called “the political economy of the working class”, putting the interests of human beings before the interests of profit – like our demand for free education in public, democratic education system.
2. That the NCAFC needs to mobilise students in defence of public services and the welfare state beyond education, and that this is a crucial part of that fight.

Conference resolves
1. To produce a guide to the issues surrounding the NHS and how students can become active campaigning to defend it.
2. To investigate organising a student day or week of action in defence of the NHS.
3. To approach organisations including the medical student network Medsin, BMA Students, Keep Our NHS Public and the NHS Unity Network to organise a joint campaign.
4. To add our name to the statement to rebuild the NHS being circulated by the NHS Unity Network (see below).

***

Labour: rebuild the NHS!

We are campaigning for the Labour Party to develop and fight for the policy on the NHS agreed by its conference, and for the next Labour government to carry it out.

Numerous Constituency Labour Parties submitted policy to the 2012 party conference calling for a clear commitment to repealing the Tories’ Health and Social Care Act, reversing privatisation and marketisation, and restoring the NHS as a public service. The conference passed a composite resolution based on these motions unanimously.

We welcome commitment to repeal the Act, but reject arguments against top down reorganisation. The Health and Social Care Act represented a comprehensive reorganisation to subordinate the NHS to market forces. We want a comprehensive reorganisation of the health service in order to save and restore it.

We want a return to the founding principles of the NHS: quality healthcare for all on the basis of need, as a right, in a publicly owned, publicly funded, publicly provided and publicly accountable system. To achieve that, we will campaign for and demand Labour campaigns for:

1. Repeal of the Health and Social Care Act
2. Abolition of the new provision allowing 49 percent private beds in NHS hospitals
3. Restoration of the Secretary of State’s duty to provide a comprehensive service
4. NHS organisations to be the preferred provider of care in all cases
5. Reversal of the Tories’ funding cuts and provision of adequate funding
6. Abolition of the obscenely wasteful and inefficient internal market/purchaser-provider split
7. Replacement of PFI, also obscenely wasteful, with direct funding; write off existing PFI debt
8. Halting and reversal of privatisation and outsourcing at every level
9. Abolition of Foundation Trusts, replacement of CCGs by democratic local health authorities
10. Decent, national pay, terms and conditions and pensions for NHS workers, and a democratic voice for them in how the service is run.

We reject the argument that there is no money in society to pay for restoring the health service. The NHS was created at a time when British society as a whole was much poorer than now. Taxation of rising dividend payments and the incomes of the rich, and using the wealth of the nationalised banks for social purposes, are potentially rich sources of funds. In addition, abolishing market mechanisms and PFI would save many billions.

We will work with comrades in the Labour Party, health workers’ organisations, the broader trade union movement and NHS campaigners to defend our health service and fight for these policies.

 


Bring Back EMA!

 

Student Broad Left

 

Conference believes:

 

1.  The scrapping of the Education Maintenance Allowance (EMA) was a grave error.

2.  This scrapping of the EMA was done is spite of Michael Gove, now-Education Secretary famously saying in early 2010 before the general election: “Ed Balls keeps saying that we are committed to scrapping the EMA. I have never said this. We won’t.”

3.  EMA allowed students from some of the poorest families to access Further Education, and its abolition has had a hugely detrimental impact, hitting young women and Black students particularly hard.

4.  Evidence from the Institute of Fiscal Studies, found that the EMA increased the proportion of young people who stayed in education from 65% to 69% among 16-year-olds and from 54% to 61% among 17-year-olds.

5.  A government u-turn to bring back EMA would be a positive step forward: widening opportunities for young people and benefiting the economy as a whole, boosting both jobs and growth.

 

Conference further believes:

 

1.  EMA wasn’t scrapped without a fight. An enormous, spontaneous FE student uprising took on the government in 2010 to demand EMA was saved. Despite hundreds of thousands of students protesting, occupying and walking out of their colleges this Tory-led government ignored a generation.

2.  But the government also radicalised a generation and the anger over the scrapping of the EMA remains.

3.  The launch of the Bring Back EMA Campaign by over 100 student leaders, including an impressive coalition of SU Presidents, Officers and activists from Further Education is a welcome step.

 

Conference resolves:

 

1.  To send the Bring Back EMA Campaign a message of support.

2.  Invite the Bring Back EMA Campaign to write a guest blog for the NCAFC website.

 

 

Amendment 1 : Roshni Joshi

DELETES Believes 5, Further Believes 3, Resolves 1 and 2
ADDS:
Believes:
5. Our fight for social justice and accessible public education is not conditional on its “benefiting the economy” or “being good for growth”.
Further Believes:
6. That while the scrapping of EMA was a terrible thing, and an attack on working class students, it would be a mistake simply to call for the reintroduction of something that was never good enough in the first place.
7. Simply saying something easy and populist is not the way to win a serious political campaign. We need a better and broader analysis of FE policy
8. If we call only for the reinstatement of EMA we are letting down everyone who has been hit by other cuts in FE, which are less glib to talk about.
9. We call for living grants for all students: this includes FE
Resolves:
1. To do our homework on school and FE funding policy, and produce a detailed set of analyses and demands
2. To call for living grants for students – not simply the reinstatement of EMA

 

 

Amendment 2: CCAFC and Edmund Schluessel

ADDS

Believes

1. EMA has continued in Wales, albeit in a diminished form, and remains an invaluable part of support for college students

2. Indications from Welsh Labour and from the Labour Party nationally both show a long-standing intent to stop EMA in Wales when the school leaving age is raised to 18.

3. EMA has been secured in Wales through 2014

4. The Welsh Government has instead decided to take the lead on privatising & marketising colleges in Wales

 

Further believes:

1. The 2010 student occupations in Wales were specifically cited by the Welsh Government in explaining their decision to continue EMA

2. Other grants in Wales have however been cut

3. Youth Fight for Jobs Wales, Action Against Cuts Cardiff, Aberystwyth Radical Forum and other anti-cuts groups in Wales advocate opposition to all cuts to public sector jobs and services

4. Campaigning around single issues in isolation is less effective than coherent, broad campaigns with the ultimate goal of a democratically-run socialist education system.

 

Resolves:

1. To invite activists from the Wales anti-cuts movement to write a guest blog for NCAFC detailing their success in defending EMA

2. To continue opposition to all cuts and public criticism of all elected officials who vote for cuts

3. To integrate campaigning to save EMA into a broad and coherent strategy around college students, including but not limited to: building fighting college students’ unions; opposing privatisation & marketisation; opposing market-driven mergers and cuts in courses and lecturers; resisting all fees in education; and more things that I don’t have time to list since the amendments deadline is in 2 minutes

4. To have more time to submit amendments next year


The labour movement and free education

 

Royal Holloway Labour Club

 

Conference notes

1. That almost all trade unions have policy for free education.
2. That the Labour Party’s policy to reduce fees from £9k to £6k was not decided democratically by any Labour Party body, but – like so much Labour Party policy – made up by the leadership.

Conference believes
1. That even the incredibly limited promises the Labour leadership has made are unlikely to fulfilled without a fight.
2. That it is necessary for the labour movement and student movement to make clear demands on the Labour Party and the next Labour government.
3. That this is not at all counterposed to our fundamental method of struggle on our campuses and in the streets. The point is not to politely petition Ed Miliband, but to seek to bring pressure to bear through every possible channel.
4. That in the first instance this means seeking clear policy on education in the unions, and demanding they seek to impose this policy on/in Labour.

Conference resolves
1. To work with labour movement activists to seek to establish a “Trade unions for free education” coalition.
2. To approach left-wingers in Young Labour including LRC Youth about organising a joint campaign to demand the Labour Party changes its policies on education.
3. To produce a manifesto for education and seek to win support for it in the labour movement.

 


Student housing

 

Newcastle Anti-Cuts Network

 

NCAFC notes
1. That prices for student accommodation have doubled in the last ten years, with average weekly rent being £117.69.
2. That this is partly because of an increased use of private accommodaiton.
3. That student support (grants/loans) only just covers the cost of rent and leaves almost nothing for actual living.
4. That this has forced many students into finding (mostly low-paid, precarious) work and/or taking out large commercial bank loans.
5. That NUS has produced materials on this issue, but neither radical demands nor a visible campaign.
NCAFC believes
1. That accommodation quality and costs are in reality as much of an issue for students as fees, and need to be campaigned on.
2. That we should, minimally, be demanding rents which cover the cost of running accommodation but do not make a huge profit for the landowner/company.3. That this will require both local campaigns and national coordination with a clear set of demands.
NCAFC resolves
1. To produce a campaign pack on campaigning over the issue of housing, including a charter of basic demands – including the demand that absolutely no one should pay over £100 a week.
2. To encourage supporting anticuts groups and SUs to campaign on this issue.
3. To raise this issue in motions to NUS conference.
4. To link demands around student housing to broader questions of the cost of private rented accommodation, the lack of council housing, access to and level of Housing Benefit and other benefits etc.

 


Abolish all debt

 

University of London Union

 

Conference Believes

  1. Personal debt in the UK stands at £1.412 trillion, an average of £53,706 per household
  2. Student debts under the new fees regime will mean an automatic debt of £27,000 – for a home/EU student on an undergraduate course in England (and £36,000 in Scotland). Once living costs are taken into account, this may well come to over £50,000
  3. Postgraduate and international students take on vast sums of debt and frequently support their studies with commercial loans
  4. The past few years has seen a significant increase in loan sharks and pay day loans targeting students.
  5. Abject poverty, lack of access to basic things like food, shelter and wearable clothes, is not uncommon for some students – especially those with no support from home or parents.
  6. A large proportion of students are forced to take on part time work – if they can get it – to cover their living costs.
  7. Debt is a cause of mental health problems, and of suicide. On 4th December the Huffington Post reported the death of a 23 year old unemployed graduate.

Conference Further Believes

  1. Debt is a major source of misery and poverty for a huge proportion of the population in modern society
  2. Debt is a class issue: it purchases our time, committing us to work longer and harder, while the profits of our work are enjoyed only by a privileged elite.
  3. The call for abolition of student debt is sound and would find serious support among students
  4. The call for abolition of student debt is capable of serving a broader struggle against the present arrangement of society: it could be the tip of the iceberg for a much bigger campaign for the abolition of all debt.

Conference Resolves

  1. To make the abolition of student debt a major political priority
  2. To produce articles and materials on the politics of debt and connected issues
  3. To make debt an issue for any Activist Welfare activities that we undertake

 


NUS and the left: unity to demand a fighting NUS: take on the

Tories & austerity

 

Student Broad Left and Socialist Worker Student Society

Conference believes:

1. The Tory-led cuts agenda is having a devastating impact on students and education.

2.  Resisting this offensive is the key priority for the student movement.

3. A recent announcement declared that the UK will remain in recession until at least 2018, which shows that there are more attacks yet to come.

 

Conference further believes:

1.  That the National Union of Students has over 600 Students’ Unions affiliated to it, over 7 millions members, a budget of millions of pounds and significant staff resources.

2.  That the NUS should use its political weight and resources to defend students against the greatest assault on education, all public services and living standards in generations.

3.  The 10,000 strong NUS national demo on Wednesday 21 November in central London was a significant step forward. It was the first national action organised by the NUS in opposition to the government’s attacks on students for 2 years – the last time being the 50,000 strong march in November 2010 against the tuition fee hike.

4.  NUS organised #demo2012 as a result of a campaign that united the left, all the NUS Liberation Campaigns and over 150 student leaders from across Britain.  This campaign achieved a landslide vote for NUS to organise a national demo against cuts, fees, privatisation and student debt at the NUS National Conference 2012, against the wishes of the majority of the NUS leadership who voted against it.

5.  Unity of all those organisations, groups and individual student activists that want a national union that fights to defend students is required to pressure NUS to organise further actions against austerity and to defend students: national demos, peaceful direct actions, days of action, lobbies of Parliament, mass petitions and public rallies/meetings.

6. The past year has seen austerity implemented across society with attacks on workers, the welfare state and public services.

7. In higher education this means continuing to fight the privatisation of our universities, alongside cuts and the new fee regime. The opposition to this must be built on both the streets and campuses. It must seek to bring together students and workers; that means coordinating with UCU and other unions on a local and national level.

8. The past year has seen the NUS leadership fail to deliver. There has been one national demonstration which involved no clear strategy about how we can win. The position of waiting until the general election in 2015 means abstaining from fighting now to defend our education.

9. The left has more influence at NUS Conference when it is united. One tactic could be drawing up common themes that the left could fight over.

10. Another tactic in this broader strategy is a united left slate for the NUS Elections. No one group has the right to declare or control the united left slate.

 

Conference resolves:

1.  To unite with other organisations – including NUS Liberation Campaigns, Student Broad Left and the Education Activist Network – to pressure the NUS to organise further actions to defend students and oppose cuts, fees, student debt and privatisation and to bring back EMA including a national demonstration in the autumn of 2013.

2.  To mandate the incoming NCAFC NC to work towards a united left challenge to the current NUS leadership in the elections for President and Vice Presidents at the forthcoming NUS National Conference 2013.

3.  If the NUS refuses/votes down proposals of actions to defend students, including a national demonstration in the autumn of 2013, the NCAFC should unite with other organisations – including the NUS Liberation Campaigns, supportive Students’ Unions, Bring Back EMA Campaign, Student Broad Left and the Education Activist Network – to organise these actions instead.

 

 

 


Venezuela shows there is an alternative: free education as a

right

 

Student Broad Left

 

Conference believes:

 

1.  Venezuela is showing there is a real alternative to the cuts and privatisation driving back living standards in Europe.

2.  In Venezuela, for several decades prior to 1998, the majority of the population suffered at the hands of vicious neo-liberal policies, which saw poverty and inequality rise, and the oil wealth of the country used to enrich multinational companies and the Venezuelan elite.

3.  With the election of Hugo Chavez in 1998 – catapulted to victory by the mobilisation of enormous social movements -, a dramatic shift in priorities has followed.  The vast resources of Venezuela are now being used to improve the lives of ordinary people, rather than be siphoned off the make the rich richer.

4.  As a result over 5 million Venezuelans have been lifted out of poverty and 3 million from extreme poverty.

 

Conference further believes:

 

1.  Education has been a central priority for the government led by Hugo Chavez.

2.  One amazing achievement has been the eradication of illiteracy with 1.6 million adults having learnt to read and write, two-thirds of whom are women.

3.  Free education at all levels, including university is a constitutional right.

4. The level of government spending on education has soared from 3% of GDP in 1999 to 6% of a much larger GDP by 2011.

5.  The costs of education that once prevented many poor young people from completing their studies are no longer barriers.  Free nurseries have been opened and school enrolment is up 24% on 1998 levels.  This has been aided by free school meals, ending school fees and scrapping the compulsory purchase of school uniforms.

6.  In stark contrast to the process underway in Britain, Venezuela has widened access to a free university education.  It has more than trebled the number of university students to 2.2 million since 1998 and has built 40 new higher education institutions, many based in the local communities to make participation easier.

7.  From a past marked by educational exclusion, UNESCO figures show Venezuela now has the 5th highest level of university enrolment in the world, at 85%.  This is almost double that of Britain, where only 43% of young people are enrolled in higher education.

 

Conference resolves:

 

1.  To invite Student Friends of Venezuela to write an article for the NCAFC website to explain the achievements in expanding access to free education over the past decade by the Hugo Chavez-led government in Venezuela.

2.  To invite a speaker from the Venezuela Solidarity Campaign to the next NCAFC national event so that we can learn more about the inspiring example of how free education is the alternative to the neo-liberal model education being pursued in Britain and Europe.

 

 


Fund Education Not War – Scrap Trident, Scrap Fees!

 

Student Broad Left

 

Conference notes:

 

1.  Britain still has the fourth largest military budget in the world – with over £33 billion per year being spent on weapons and war.

 

2.  For just a quarter of Britain’s annual military budget it would be possible to abolish tuition fees altogether, replace student loans with living grants and bring back the EMA.

 

3.  A further £2 billion per year is spent on maintaining Trident nuclear weapons system – which has the capacity to kill nearly 300 million people.

 

4.  Over the past decade hundreds of thousands of young people have been active in the movements against war and for global peace, from opposing the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to calling for an end to Britain’s nuclear weapons system.

 

Conference believes:

 

1.  Britain’s involvement in the wars on Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya have been a waste of money and a waste of many hundreds of thousands of lives, and caused huge devastation to the lives of millions more people in the Middle East.

 

2.  There are dangers of new wars being launched by the Western powers in the Middle East – the United States and Britain are particularly turning their attention to Syria and Iran.  These wars would bring even more death and destruction to the Middle East and could cost the British taxpayer billions of pounds.

 

Conference resolves:

 

1.  For the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts to work with the Stop the War Coalition and Student CND to campaign for the British government to change its twisted spending priorities and fund education not war, to scrap Trident and scrap tuition fees.

 

2.  For the National Campaign Against Fees & Cuts to send an open letter to the Foreign Secretary William Hague proposing that the government end the war on Afghanistan, refrain from launching new wars in the Middle East and use the money saved to fund free education and other public services.

 

 

Amendment 1: Bob Sutton, University of East London

Amendments to “Fund education not war”

Delete all and replace with

1. We demand the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, the scrapping of Britain’s nuclear weapons and the slashing of military spending. We will highlight how many billions are spent on these murderous projects while at least partially life-supporting, socially useful things such as education and public services (and foreign aid) are cut back.

2. We reject nationalistic arguments which say or seem to say that we oppose wars and foreign interventions *because* they cost the British government money.

3. We reaffirm our position agreed last year of opposing war against Iran while supporting Iranian students, workers, women etc against the Iranian state.

 

Amendment 2: Naomi Beecroft, Edinburgh Uni

DELETES Resolves 1 and 2 (if Amendment 1 has not passed)

ADDS

ADDS:

 

Notes

5. According to the Iraq Body Count Project, there were 105,052–114,731 civilian deaths in the Iraq War, and this is just one war the British Army are complicit in. Civilian casualties are rarely the focus of political and media attention.
6. That recruitment for the military is often targeted at underprivileged and uneducated youths, and for many joining the army is the only legitimate life choice that they have, which perpetuate class structures at home, as well as internationally

7. International wars are not the only military expenditure, and the British Government also spends money on NATO, the police force and prisons. Cutting these would also free up funds for public services such as free education whilst dissembling fascist power relations.

 

 Believes:

3. Economic arguments alone are not satisfactory. Our stance on international issues should not merely be about economic cost to the taxpayer.

4. NCAFC advocates  the nationalisation of banks as a transitional demand on the road to the total expropriation of the banks and abolition of the bourgeoisie as a class. We believe in communisation and the abolishment of the commodity form. Only then will we see the end of imperialist atrocities.

 

Resolves
1. Stop the War Coalition are noted for their fanaticism for Tony Benn. This year Tony Benn made a rape joke concerning Julian Assange and the women he raped, and was met with laughter from the crowd. Stop The War clearly think it is okay to work with misogynists and have many members who are misogynists themselves. Anti-war movements should not supersede anti-misogyny movements, and so we reject working with Stop the War. However, we see no issue in working with other anti-war organisations such as the Student CND and Women in Black.

2. The National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts is not a lobby group.   We do not recognise the merit in sending an open letter to William Hague. The government will only concede on an issue when it is in their interests; an open letter is a weak, ineffective and liberal tactic that is a waste of our time and resources. A working group should contemplate other, more effective and radical tactics and report to NC.
3. NCAFC resolves to take direct action to force the government to cut all armed forces, police, and prison-industrial complex spending with the aim of ending said institutions, to pull out of NATO, to work towards open borders, to cancel all international debt and to grant independence to all who seek it.

 

Emergency Motions

Conference will have to vote to hear these motions.

 

EM1 (Workers’ Liberty Students)

 

Emergency motion – support the student movement in Sri Lanka!

Notes
1. That since 28 November teachers and students in Jaffna, Sri Lanka, have been on strike against the arrest of leading Tamil activists at their university, including three senior figures from the SU.
2. That the students were brutally attacked by government paramilities that have set up in an office opposite the university.
3. That last months police and intelligence officers invaded the university, breaking into and ransacking student rooms. When MPs and prominent journalists visited the scene, they were also attacked – as were the 400 students who marched in protest.
3. That all this follows a systematic pattern of repression against Tamils which has been going on since the defeat of Tamil nationalists by the Sri Lankan military in 2009.

Resolves
1. To support the protesters in Jaffna and send a message of solidarity from this conference.
2. To send a message of protest to the Sri Lankan High Commission.
3. To seek to make links with student activists in Sri Lanka

Motions to NCAFC conference

Motions to NCAFC conference, December 2012

AMENDMENTS MAY BE SUBMITTED BY ANY NCAFC SUPPORTER PRIOR TO 4pm ON FRIDAY: PLEASE EMAIL THEM TO [email protected] 

COMPOSITES MAY BE CHALLENGED BY AMENDMENT

Order of motions

  1. Proposed standing orders (NCAFC Secretariat)
  2. Access at NCAFC Events (Access at NCAFC Events)
  3. NCAFC Constitutional Proposal (UCL Defend Education)
    1. NCAFC Charter of political goals (UCL DE)
  4. Developing the NCAFC (ULU)
  5. Student Worker Motion (Ruskin College Plebs League)
  6. Defend the NHS (Workers Liberty students)
  7. Bring Back EMA! (Student Broad Left)
  8. Free education and the Labour Movement (Royal Holloway Labour Club)
  9. Student housing (Newcastle anti-cuts network)
  10. Abolish all debt (ULU)
  11. NUS and the left: unity to demand a fighting NUS: take on the Tories and austerity  (Student Broad Left and SWSS)

12. Venezuela shows there is an alternative (Student Broad Left)

13. Fund Education Not War (Student Broad Left)

 

Proposed Standing Orders and debating procedure

Conference procedures

The Secretariat is responsible for allocating chairs to sessions and for running the debates, including procedural motions and compositing. They sit near the chair, and may not vote.

The debating procedure is as follows:

1. A proposing speech for the motion

2. Debates on any amendments to the main motion, which follow the procedure in 1, 3, 4, 5 and 6.

3. An equally timed opposing speech against the motion

4. Further debate at the chair’s discretion until the debate is balanced

5. Parts procedure

6. A vote. If the chair deems that there is a clear majority, they may declare the motion passed or fallen. If the chair cannot call the vote, the vote must be counted by the Secretariat, who may ask for assistance from members of the NC.

 

The parts procedure is as follows:

-          Any conference attendee may call for parts by specifying them in writing to the chair

-          The parts may be to REMOVE or PASS any part of any motion or amendment

-          The chair shall call one timed speech in favour of the parts (property of their proposer) and one equally timed speech against. They may call more if the debate is contentious and there is time.

 

Procedural motions are as follows

1. A challenge to the chair’s ruling on a vote: if this passes a revote on the motion or amendment will be held without further debate.

2. A call for a revote on any given amendment or motion: if this passes a revote on the motion or amendment will be held without further debate.

3. A call for a recount on any given amendment or motion: if this passes a count will take place again.

4. A call for more speeches on any given amendment or motion: if this passes, another round of speeches will be held. (The chair may also accept this motion without a vote).

5. No confidence in the Chair: if this passes, a new Chair will be elected from the floor by show of hands.

6. A call for a suspension of procedural motions: if this passes, no procedural motions may be proposed other than motion 8.

7. A call for a change in the agenda: if this passes, the agenda will be amended accordingly.

8. A reinstatement of procedural motions: if this passes, the outcome of motion 6 is reversed.

 

Procedural motions take precedence over the debating procedure. They can be proposed by any conference attendee.  In the case of motion 5, the Chair will vacate, and the debate will be chaired by a member of the Secretariat.

 

Elections at conference

The following elections shall take place at conference:

  • Elections for the National Committee
  • Elections in autonomous caucuses

 

The Secretariat have responsibility for co-ordinating non-autonomous elections at conference, and appointing a Returning Officer or returning Officers. Returning Officers have responsibility for running and announcing elections at conference, and may not run for election themselves.

 

The elections for non-autonomous elections shall be held as follows:

-          Candidates must nominate themselves by a set deadline

-          Candidates running for the same position shall be given the same allocated hustings length

-          The voting system shall be Single Transferable Vote

-          If a gender quota system is in place, ballots will be counted regardless of it in the first instance. The lowest ordinarily elected non-quota candidates will then be excluded from the count, and candidates on the quota promoted, until the quota has been satisfied.

 

Liberation, section and regional caucuses shall hold elections for their positions as follows:

-          Elections must be held at every conference. (Caucuses may also hold additional elections at training caucuses if they vote to do so).

-          Elections shall be run by an appointee of the caucus.

-          Candidates shall make elections speeches, and have equal time allocated

-          Elections may be approved by show of hands if any position is uncontested; if not, Alternative Vote must be used

 

 

 

Access at NCAFC Events

NCAFC Disabled

Notes

1 *That there are a number of disabled people, and people with access requirements that regularly attend, or might wish to attend NCAFC events

2 *That NCAFC currently has no accessibility policy

3 *That NCAFC Disabled Caucus ran a session on access needs during the liberation session, and took suggestions for what would be necessary from as many people as possible

Believes

1 *That more disabled people will feel comfortable attending NCAFC events if access information is made clear from the outset

2 *That access has been severely compromised at previous NCAFC events and this is not acceptable

Resolves

1 *To implement the following as standard for all NCAFC Events:

-A method of asking people to declare access needs when registering for the conference

-Documents (motions, timetable, any other documents) being released online as .doc and .pdf a week in advance of the conference to allow people time to print or prepare for them as necessary

-The venue being a location with accessible public transport links

-Information regarding whether the venue is wheelchair accessible to be released at the same time as the venue is released

-Access breaks of at least 20 minutes, at least every 90 minutes, to be standard, timetabled, and not to be voted on

-Explanation being given to all delegates regarding the inappropriate nature of clapping and whooping, and hand signals to be explained instead

-Explanation being given about why ableist language is no more acceptable than homophobic, transphobic, racist, or sexist language

2 *To attempt to implement the following at all NCAFC events, and inform attendees as early as possible if this cannot be implemented

-A timetable to be kept to exactly, without any unexpected changes, delays or alterations

-A microphone and hearing loop system, both to ensure people are able to hear the debate

-All venues to be fully wheelchair accessible, with ramps and lifts as necessary

-Members of the NC who can be approached for assistance to be easily visually identifiable

-All documents available on coloured paper or with coloured acetate overlays

-Sweets and water to be available on or near conference floor

-A quiet area to be present for people if they wish to leave conference floor

Mandates

1 *The NC to implement all of Resolves 1 for every further event

2 *The NC to attempt to implement Resolves 2 for every further event and inform attendees when this will not be possible

3 *The NC to look into the viability of a palantypist, sign interpretation, streaming, and large video screens of speakers for future events

 

National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts Constitution

UCL Defend Education

 

Section 1: What we stand for

[Blank. If no amendments pass to put content in here, other sections will be renumbered accordingly]

 

 

Section 2: Alteration

Only conference or an Emergency Delegate Conference may amend the constitution (with a two-thirds majority) and standing orders (with a simple majority).

Proposals to amend the constitution or standing orders should be circulated one week in advance of any conference in at least three of the following ways:

  • Around the National Committee e-list
  • Around the NCAFC discuss list
  • On the NCAFC website
  • In the NCAFC newsletter

 

 

Section 3: Membership and affiliations

A. Membership

1. Membership of the NCAFC is open to all supporters of the campaign.

2. Membership costs £1 per year, and members are expected to broadly support the Campaign’s activities.

3. Being a member of the NCAFC give you the right to:

  • Attend and speak at NCAFC Conferences
  • Vote on proposals and in elections at NCAFC Conferences
  • Stand for election at NCAFC Conference and its autonomous caucuses
  • Submit amendments to proposals at NCAFC Conferences

Members will also be put on a regular bulletin email, and will get updates from the campaign on a regular basis

4. Membership lists and procedures are the responsibility of the National Committee

5. Individual memberships may be terminated by a 2/3 majority of Conference or the NC if it is deemed necessary for the safety of others or basic functioning of the Campaign.

 

B. Affiliated Groups from Campuses and Departments

1. Affiliation is open to any activist group on any campus or in any academic department in the UK who shares NCAFC’s purpose. (References to ‘anticuts groups’ in these documents are a catch-all term)

2. Group affiliations pay an amount of money each year, even if symbolic, and are expected to generally support NCAFC’s projects.

3. Being an affiliated group gives groups the right to:

  • Submit proposals to NCAFC Conferences
  • Attend Emergency Delegate Conferences if they are called

4. Groups affiliate by submitting a list of at least 10 names and email addresses (if an HE campus) or at least 3 names and email addresses (if an FE campus, school or academic department). Affiliation must then be ratified by the National Committee, who have ultimate responsibility for affiliations.

5. Affiliations may be terminated by a 2/3 majority of Conference or the NC if it is deemed necessary for the basic functioning of the Campaign.

6. For the avoidance of doubt, this affiliation procedure is separate from the one for Student Unions in the Federation of Fighting Student Unions

 

 

Section 4: Structures of NCAFC

A. Conferences

Conferences are the sovereign body of NCAFC. Any member of NCAFC may attend and vote.

1. Calling conferences

  • The National Committee is responsible for calling conferences
  • There shall be at least one conference per academic year
  • Ordinarily, conference should be at least two days long

2. Notice of conference

Notice of conference must be given at least one month in advance online

The NC will also make efforts to promote conferences by off-line methods, such as ringing around and producing leaflets and posters.

3. Conference agenda setting

  • The NC and the Secretariat has ultimate responsibility for setting the agenda of conference
  • Ordinarily, this will be delegated to a working group

 

4. Submission of proposals and motions

  • A motions and proposals deadline must be set by the Secretariat ahead of conference
  • Local anti-cuts groups affiliated to NCAFC, and student unions affiliated to the Federation of Fighting Student Unions, and any organised political grouping within NCAFC, have the right to submit policy for the motions and proposals debates
  • Any individual member of NCAFC has the right to submit amendments to motions and proposals

5. Conference agenda composition

Conference’s primary purpose is:

  • To debate motions and constitutional amendments
  • To elect a National Committee
  • To host autonomous caucuses
  • To provide a space for open discussion of NCAFC’s actions and strategy

The NC will meet immediately after every conference.

If the conference is two or more days long, there must be time given over to:

  • Liberation caucuses, at least 45 minutes long – which cannot overlap with each other, or with any other conference business
  • Regional and national caucuses, at least 45 minutes long

 

6. Remitting

  • Conference may vote, by simple majority, to remit any matter to the National Committee. If this happens, the National Committee is vested with all the powers of conference on that matter

B. Committees

NCAFC has two standing committees: the National Committee (NC) and the Secretariat

1. National Committee

The NC is elected at conferences, and is responsible for co-ordinating NCAFC’s political work. It is the sovereign body between conferences.

Members of the NC are expected to broadly support NCAFC’s projects.

2. The National Committee consists of:

  • 14 members elected by single transferable vote (with 40% reserved for women)
  • 1 voting representative for each Liberation Campaign (which can be shared)
  • 1 voting representative for each Region or Nation (which can be shared)
  • 1 voting representative for each Section (which can be shared)

Where a vote is shared, the representatives present must come to a majority view of how to vote; if not, they must abstain.

Sections and Regions are self-organising groups, and exist once they are recognised by the NC.

Any NCAFC member may attend NC meetings, and the NC can invite others if it wishes to. The NC can establish working groups of whoever it wants to take on various projects.

3. The Secretariat

The Secretariat is made up of non-NC members elected by the NC, and is responsible for the smooth and democratic running of NCAFC’s events, especially conference.

4. The Secretariat consists of:

  • 3 members elected by the National Committee

Members of the Secretariat should have access to all communications that NC members have. Members of the Secretariat are may take a fully political role in any activity outside of conference.

5. Accountability of Committees

Members of the National Committee are accountable to Conference, Emergency Delegate Conferences, their caucus, and to the NC itself. They can be removed:

  • By the body that elected them
  • By an Emergency Delegate Conference, or in a constituted caucus at an EDC
  • In the case of the Block of 14, by a two-thirds vote of the NC, on the written request of 5 affiliated local groups.

C. Emergency Delegate conferences

In periods of ‘national high struggle’, where a surge in the student movement is forming and needs to find direction and collective discussion, the NC shall call an emergency delegate conference to allow direct control for the grassroots.

1. Calling Emergency Delegate Conferences

  • Emergency delegate conferences can be called by a majority of the NC; or
  • By a majority of affiliated local groups, providing that this is at least 10

2. Attendance and voting at Emergency Delegate Conferences

  • The National Committee shall set a delegate entitlement on the basis of student numbers FTE at the campus, NCAFC membership size, or on the basis of departmental and faculty level organising, or a combination of these.
  • All delegates and all members of the NC except the Block of 14 may vote.
  • All delegates must be openly selected by their campus group or departmental/faculty group
  • Delegations from ‘not-yet’ affiliated anticuts groups may attend the Emergency Delegate Conference on the basis that their attendance is taken to mean affiliation

The NC will ensure that transport and accommodation costs are not a barrier to attendance.

3. Powers of Emergency Delegate Conferences

  • EDCs can call any action, pass any proposal, and may amend the constitution
  • EDCs can recall the Block of 14 and elect a new one, if there is a 2/3 majority
  • EDCs shall have autonomous caucuses, and these can vote to recall and re-elect reps
  • The NC is accountable to, and bound by, EDC

 

 

Section 5: The Federation of Fighting Student Unions

1. The Federation of Fighting Student Unions exists to:

  • Receive affiliation fees from affiliated student unions
  • On behalf of NCAFC, provide affiliated student unions with
    • Activist training
    • Advice and guidance on radical reforms of their structures
    • On tap advice for students and officers
    • Welfare and support for students and officers
  • Fund NCAFC’s broader activities

2. Officers of the FFSU:

The National Committee shall elect 5 voting members of the FFSU Committee to carry out the task of providing support and services. These shall be:

  • Treasurer
  • Activist Welfare Officer
  • Activist Training Officer
  • Union Structures Officer
  • Fundraising Officer

These officers shall be jointly accountable to the NC and the FFSU.

3. Affiliations from Student Unions

  • Unions affiliate through their own democratic structures
  • The affiliation fees for student unions should be set at the end of the academic year to be ready for affiliations from September. (In the first instance of this Constitution, the NC will set this before the beginning of 2013 to allow affiliations in the new term).
  • Affiliation fees shall be set as a ratio of money to FTE equivalent student numbers, or as a proportion of any union’s affiliation fee to NUS, or as a proportion of reserves, or as a proportion of turnover, or as any combination of any of these.
  • Affiliation fees shall be agreed between the FFSU and the National Committee

4. Decision-making structures

The Committee of the Federation of Fighting Student Unions is made up of:

  • One delegate from each affiliated union representing under 10,000 students and two for every union representing over 20,000
  • The 5 operational roles elected by the National Committee

5. Affiliation approval

Student union affiliations must be approved by the NCAFC national committee or conference.  NC and Conference may also terminate an affiliation by a 2/3 majority if it is deemed necessary for the basic functioning of FFSU and NCAFC.

6. Powers of the FFSU

The FFSU Committee is empowered to:

  • Provide support to its member unions
  • Approve or unapprove large spends, defined as over £5000, and any employment
  •  Hold its operational officers to account (but not remove them without the will of NC)
  • Act as an additional co-ordinating body for collective actions of student unions

 

 

Section 6: Employment

1. The National Committee may from time to time pay members of the NC, or of the campaign, in order to co-ordinate the campaign’s activities.

2. The NC will ensure that any money used on staff is well-spent.

3. The NC will ensure that anyone on a stipend is accountable and responsible.

4. The NC will co-ordinate the decision with the Federation of Fighting Student Unions, and that any paid employment does not simply replicate student union staff

5. The NC will ensure that paid employment for the NCAFC does not simply replicate employment by a political group within the NCAFC

6. The NC will have regard for Liberation in its employment decisions.

 

 

  • Amendment to NCAFC Constitution Proposal

NCAFC should adopt a core Charter of political goals

 

UCL Defend Education

 

NCAFC Believes

  1. That a core political declaration of key goals in relation to education and research would be useful in order to more clearly define NCAFC and the radical wing of the student movement, and could form a focal point for unity.

 

NCAFC Resolves

  1. To adopt the following Charter as a core statement of our goals in Section 1 of the constitution.
  2. To invite others in the student and education worker movements to unite around this Charter as well.

 

We want schools, colleges, universities and research institutions and the work they do to be public, democratic, open and accessible to all, and to be oriented towards free enquiry, the needs and interests of society, and liberation from existing hierarchies and oppressions. We reject the idea that private profit, exploitation and marketization can bring the education system any benefit, and we unite to resist the neoliberal assault on education and research and to defend the concepts of education and research as social goods.

 

This is inevitably an incomplete set of goals, but it forms our common ground as activists in education and research.

 

We seek:

The abolition of all fees in higher and further education and the abolition of all student debt owed.

The reversal of all budget cuts to education and research.

An adequate maintenance grant to allow every student over 16 to live independently, out of poverty.

Free care services and additional maintenance support for every student with one or more dependents.

A living wage, a safe workplace, a live-able pension, holiday pay, sick pay and a maximum 35 hour week for every education and research worker, every apprentice and every intern, with an end to privatisation and outsourcing in our institutions.

Recognition of research students as workers as well as students, with associated rights to limited hours, minimum pay, healthy and safe workplaces, holidays, sick leave, academic freedom, and protection from harassment and unfair dismissal.

An end to racist, xenophobic and discriminatory treatment of international students. Abolish international fees, open the borders and end surveillance.

An academic environment that is feminist, pro-LBGTQ, anti-racist and anti-ableist, and that actively works against oppression and for inclusion.

Campuses safe from surveillance and harassment on grounds of religious and political beliefs. Police off our campuses, and an end to the use of education workers to enforce police and immigration controls and surveillance.

Academic freedom for all – freedom to teach, learn, enquire and publish must not be limited by, or subject to, the goals of the state or those of the owners of industry.

All schools, colleges and universities to be run not-for-profit under the full and democratic control of their staff, students and communities, including all currently private and profit-making institutions. The abolition of unelected, unaccountable management.

Knowledge open to all – our lectures, museums, books and journals must be accessible to all, free of charge, to create truly open, common and public educational institutions.

An end to investment in and links with exploitative, unsustainable and violent industries, including the arms trade – education must not be founded on the suffering of others.

These are to be funded using the wealth of those who can afford it: we demand progressive and fully enforced taxation of business and the rich, and the socialisation, under democratic student and worker control, of currently privatised elements of the education system.

 

We will organise in our classrooms, libraries and laboratories, and in our workplaces, our communities and the streets. We will organise through democratic assemblies at the lowest possible levels. We will demonstrate, we will lobby, and we will take direct action and industrial action. We will build solidarity and cooperation between students, workers and the unemployed. We will seek to dismantle, rather than perpetuate, existing oppressions and hierarchies within our communities and campaigns. We will not relent and we do not seek merely to register our dissatisfaction – we will settle for nothing less than free and emancipatory education and decent living standards for all, whether it takes months, or decades.

 

Developing the NCAFC

 

University of London Union


The NCAFC has now existed for almost three years. During that time the campaign has served an irreplaceable function as the only national left-wing student organisation uniting in struggle, on the basis of honest cooperation and an open democracy, activists with widely differing political views. This has allowed us to play a major role.

The British student movement is noticeably stronger than it was four years ago. However, compared to the upheavals of late 2010 and early 2011, there is a relative lull. It is vital that we use this space to solidify our organisation, reach out to wider layers of activists, step up our political agitation, education and self-education, and develop our campaigns.

It is important that we do not think of the student movement as just waiting for the next big bang. Even a much bigger organisation than ours currently is cannot create mass movements at will. None of us predicted the revolt of winter 2010-11 (though with hindsight we can see its precursors in the Gaza occupations of 2009 and the local anti-cuts battles of 2009-10); no one in Quebec predicted their 2012 student uprising. Major differences between the Quebecois student movement and ours not withstanding, the lesson from Quebec is that ASSE built a solid organisation active in many campaigns and undertaking many initiatives during the quieter periods, creating the conditions for the upheaval, playing a central role in its victory – and developing its organisation out of the struggle.

What we need to do is help student activists Educate, Agitate and Organise around a range of issues, developing our ideas, organisation and campaigns on a variety of levels.

Some of what we need to do will be dealt with in other motions. But over the next sixth months development of the NCAFC should include:

1. On an organisational level: a better functioning, more regularly meeting National Committee, which creates subcommittees and working groups to research and organise on a variety of issues; a proper system of affiliations by local groups, student unions etc; and a concerted drive to extend our network of contact with local groups.
2. Seeking to develop broad, non-sectarian, united student anti-cuts/mobilising committees on every campus, with a focus on making links with campus workers as they resist the squeeze on their pay, terms and conditions which seems to be the main feature of management attacks this year.
3. Relaunching and developing existing campaigns such as Take Back Your Campus and the VC Pledge.
4. Developing campaigns on issues which affect or interest large numbers of students, but are currently neglected by the organised student left, such as housing and the NHS.
5. Building a solid network of FE and school student activists through Schools and Colleges Against Fees and Cuts.
6. Develop the work with and among international students done in the last months.
7. Running a political campaign on who should pay for free education and to rebuild education and public services, focused on two key demands: tax the rich/business and expropriate the banks.
8. Producing more and better NCAFC materials.

 

 

Student Worker Motion

Plebs League – Ruskin College, Oxford

 

This Conference Notes:

  1. A NUS survey noted – “The overwhelming majority of students, three out of four, take on paid employment to help make ends meet, either during term time or during the holidays. Holiday work is more popular than term time work, with 51 per cent of students planning to work during the holidays” (NUS Student Experience Report, 2008, p.33).
  2. These forms of employment are usually unskilled, low paid and casualised such as within bar or retail work.
  3. The “Supersize My Pay” campaign from the UNITE union in New Zealand which broke legal minimum wage discrimination that existed for the minimum waged young workers as well as the recent Wal-Mart and fast food industrial actions in the USA.
  4. Progress already made by the GMB Trade Union Southern Region Young Members, Royal Holloway University and the University of London Union (ULU) in establishing student worker networks and the successes particularly at Royal Holloway already of winning conditions for students and fighting for recognition with the student union there.

 

This Conference Believes:

  1. That we must begin to help organise students who work on campus and elsewhere not just for better conditions, but as a fundamentally political activity, one that can equip students when they leave university with the skills in their workplaces to fight back but also be part of transforming the labour movement in the here and now.
  2. That NCAFC wherever it is present needs to be part of the argument that students should see themselves as workers: that education we receive is the product of labour, from cleaners, admins to lecturers etc. and to join with these workers for better conditions for all.

 

This Conference Resolves:

  1. To help co-sponsor a speaking tour in the new year of a Wal-Mart and/or fast food striking worker around the UK.
  2. To support circulation in print and online of “Know Your Rights” material to disseminate everywhere NCAFC has a presence in a similar way to ULU.
  3. To advertise online and in print all efforts towards establishing student worker networks and task the incoming national committee to discussions with local Trade Union branches – holding recruitment days on campus, running workshops etc.
  4. 6.    Encourage all students not in employment to be involved with the UNITE community branches here and task the incoming national committee to begin discussions with UNITE on how this can be done.

 


Defend the NHS!

 

Workers’ Liberty Students


Conference notes
1. The battles taking place on many fronts to defend the NHS from the Tories’ attempts to dismember it.
2. The recent springing up of many more powerful local campaigns, including for instance the battle to save Lewisham A&E, which has seen many thousands of people on the streets.
3. That many students are active in, and many more interested in and could become involved in, this struggle.

Conference believes
1. That the NHS represents a limited piece of the what Marx called “the political economy of the working class”, putting the interests of human beings before the interests of profit – like our demand for free education in public, democratic education system.
2. That the NCAFC needs to mobilise students in defence of public services and the welfare state beyond education, and that this is a crucial part of that fight.

Conference resolves
1. To produce a guide to the issues surrounding the NHS and how students can become active campaigning to defend it.
2. To investigate organising a student day or week of action in defence of the NHS.
3. To approach organisations including the medical student network Medsin, BMA Students, Keep Our NHS Public and the NHS Unity Network to organise a joint campaign.
4. To add our name to the statement to rebuild the NHS being circulated by the NHS Unity Network (see below).

***

Labour: rebuild the NHS!

We are campaigning for the Labour Party to develop and fight for the policy on the NHS agreed by its conference, and for the next Labour government to carry it out.

Numerous Constituency Labour Parties submitted policy to the 2012 party conference calling for a clear commitment to repealing the Tories’ Health and Social Care Act, reversing privatisation and marketisation, and restoring the NHS as a public service. The conference passed a composite resolution based on these motions unanimously.

We welcome commitment to repeal the Act, but reject arguments against top down reorganisation. The Health and Social Care Act represented a comprehensive reorganisation to subordinate the NHS to market forces. We want a comprehensive reorganisation of the health service in order to save and restore it.

We want a return to the founding principles of the NHS: quality healthcare for all on the basis of need, as a right, in a publicly owned, publicly funded, publicly provided and publicly accountable system. To achieve that, we will campaign for and demand Labour campaigns for:

1. Repeal of the Health and Social Care Act
2. Abolition of the new provision allowing 49 percent private beds in NHS hospitals
3. Restoration of the Secretary of State’s duty to provide a comprehensive service
4. NHS organisations to be the preferred provider of care in all cases
5. Reversal of the Tories’ funding cuts and provision of adequate funding
6. Abolition of the obscenely wasteful and inefficient internal market/purchaser-provider split
7. Replacement of PFI, also obscenely wasteful, with direct funding; write off existing PFI debt
8. Halting and reversal of privatisation and outsourcing at every level
9. Abolition of Foundation Trusts, replacement of CCGs by democratic local health authorities
10. Decent, national pay, terms and conditions and pensions for NHS workers, and a democratic voice for them in how the service is run.

We reject the argument that there is no money in society to pay for restoring the health service. The NHS was created at a time when British society as a whole was much poorer than now. Taxation of rising dividend payments and the incomes of the rich, and using the wealth of the nationalised banks for social purposes, are potentially rich sources of funds. In addition, abolishing market mechanisms and PFI would save many billions.

We will work with comrades in the Labour Party, health workers’ organisations, the broader trade union movement and NHS campaigners to defend our health service and fight for these policies.

 

Bring Back EMA!

 

Student Broad Left

 

Conference believes:

 

1.  The scrapping of the Education Maintenance Allowance (EMA) was a grave error.

2.  This scrapping of the EMA was done is spite of Michael Gove, now-Education Secretary famously saying in early 2010 before the general election: “Ed Balls keeps saying that we are committed to scrapping the EMA. I have never said this. We won’t.”

3.  EMA allowed students from some of the poorest families to access Further Education, and its abolition has had a hugely detrimental impact, hitting young women and Black students particularly hard.

4.  Evidence from the Institute of Fiscal Studies, found that the EMA increased the proportion of young people who stayed in education from 65% to 69% among 16-year-olds and from 54% to 61% among 17-year-olds.

5.  A government u-turn to bring back EMA would be a positive step forward: widening opportunities for young people and benefiting the economy as a whole, boosting both jobs and growth.

 

Conference further believes:

 

1.  EMA wasn’t scrapped without a fight. An enormous, spontaneous FE student uprising took on the government in 2010 to demand EMA was saved. Despite hundreds of thousands of students protesting, occupying and walking out of their colleges this Tory-led government ignored a generation.

2.  But the government also radicalised a generation and the anger over the scrapping of the EMA remains.

3.  The launch of the Bring Back EMA Campaign by over 100 student leaders, including an impressive coalition of SU Presidents, Officers and activists from Further Education is a welcome step.

 

Conference resolves:

 

1.  To send the Bring Back EMA Campaign a message of support.

2.  Invite the Bring Back EMA Campaign to write a guest blog for the NCAFC website.

 

 

  • The labour movement and free education

 

Royal Holloway Labour Club

 

Conference notes

1. That almost all trade unions have policy for free education.
2. That the Labour Party’s policy to reduce fees from £9k to £6k was not decided democratically by any Labour Party body, but – like so much Labour Party policy – made up by the leadership.

Conference believes
1. That even the incredibly limited promises the Labour leadership has made are unlikely to fulfilled without a fight.
2. That it is necessary for the labour movement and student movement to make clear demands on the Labour Party and the next Labour government.
3. That this is not at all counterposed to our fundamental method of struggle on our campuses and in the streets. The point is not to politely petition Ed Miliband, but to seek to bring pressure to bear through every possible channel.
4. That in the first instance this means seeking clear policy on education in the unions, and demanding they seek to impose this policy on/in Labour.

Conference resolves
1. To work with labour movement activists to seek to establish a “Trade unions for free education” coalition.
2. To approach left-wingers in Young Labour including LRC Youth about organising a joint campaign to demand the Labour Party changes its policies on education.
3. To produce a manifesto for education and seek to win support for it in the labour movement.

 

  • Student housing

 

Newcastle Anti-Cuts Network

 

NCAFC notes
1. That prices for student accommodation have doubled in the last ten years, with average weekly rent being £117.69.
2. That this is partly because of an increased use of private accommodaiton.
3. That student support (grants/loans) only just covers the cost of rent and leaves almost nothing for actual living.
4. That this has forced many students into finding (mostly low-paid, precarious) work and/or taking out large commercial bank loans.
5. That NUS has produced materials on this issue, but neither radical demands nor a visible campaign.
NCAFC believes
1. That accommodation quality and costs are in reality as much of an issue for students as fees, and need to be campaigned on.
2. That we should, minimally, be demanding rents which cover the cost of running accommodation but do not make a huge profit for the landowner/company.3. That this will require both local campaigns and national coordination with a clear set of demands.
NCAFC resolves
1. To produce a campaign pack on campaigning over the issue of housing, including a charter of basic demands – including the demand that absolutely no one should pay over £100 a week.
2. To encourage supporting anticuts groups and SUs to campaign on this issue.
3. To raise this issue in motions to NUS conference.
4. To link demands around student housing to broader questions of the cost of private rented accommodation, the lack of council housing, access to and level of Housing Benefit and other benefits etc.

 

Abolish all debt

 

University of London Union

 

Conference Believes

  1. Personal debt in the UK stands at £1.412 trillion, an average of £53,706 per household
  2. Student debts under the new fees regime will mean an automatic debt of £27,000 – for a home/EU student on an undergraduate course in England (and £36,000 in Scotland). Once living costs are taken into account, this may well come to over £50,000
  3. Postgraduate and international students take on vast sums of debt and frequently support their studies with commercial loans
  4. The past few years has seen a significant increase in loan sharks and pay day loans targeting students.
  5. Abject poverty, lack of access to basic things like food, shelter and wearable clothes, is not uncommon for some students – especially those with no support from home or parents.
  6. A large proportion of students are forced to take on part time work – if they can get it – to cover their living costs.
  7. Debt is a cause of mental health problems, and of suicide. On 4th December the Huffington Post reported the death of a 23 year old unemployed graduate.

Conference Further Believes

  1. Debt is a major source of misery and poverty for a huge proportion of the population in modern society
  2. Debt is a class issue: it purchases our time, committing us to work longer and harder, while the profits of our work are enjoyed only by a privileged elite.
  3. The call for abolition of student debt is sound and would find serious support among students
  4. The call for abolition of student debt is capable of serving a broader struggle against the present arrangement of society: it could be the tip of the iceberg for a much bigger campaign for the abolition of all debt.

Conference Resolves

  1. To make the abolition of student debt a major political priority
  2. To produce articles and materials on the politics of debt and connected issues
  3. To make debt an issue for any Activist Welfare activities that we undertake

 

 

 NUS and the Left: unity to demand a fighting NUS: take on the Tories and Austerity (Composite)

Student Broad Left and Socialist Worker Student Society

Conference believes:

1. The Tory-led cuts agenda is having a devastating impact on students and education.

2.  Resisting this offensive is the key priority for the student movement.

3. A recent announcement declared that the UK will remain in recession until at least 2018, which shows that there are more attacks yet to come.

 

Conference further believes:

1.  That the National Union of Students has over 600 Students’ Unions affiliated to it, over 7 millions members, a budget of millions of pounds and significant staff resources.

2.  That the NUS should use its political weight and resources to defend students against the greatest assault on education, all public services and living standards in generations.

3.  The 10,000 strong NUS national demo on Wednesday 21 November in central London was a significant step forward. It was the first national action organised by the NUS in opposition to the government’s attacks on students for 2 years – the last time being the 50,000 strong march in November 2010 against the tuition fee hike.

4.  NUS organised #demo2012 as a result of a campaign that united the left, all the NUS Liberation Campaigns and over 150 student leaders from across Britain.  This campaign achieved a landslide vote for NUS to organise a national demo against cuts, fees, privatisation and student debt at the NUS National Conference 2012, against the wishes of the majority of the NUS leadership who voted against it.

5.  Unity of all those organisations, groups and individual student activists that want a national union that fights to defend students is required to pressure NUS to organise further actions against austerity and to defend students: national demos, peaceful direct actions, days of action, lobbies of Parliament, mass petitions and public rallies/meetings.

6. The past year has seen austerity implemented across society with attacks on workers, the welfare state and public services.

7. In higher education this means continuing to fight the privatisation of our universities, alongside cuts and the new fee regime. The opposition to this must be built on both the streets and campuses. It must seek to bring together students and workers; that means coordinating with UCU and other unions on a local and national level.

8. The past year has seen the NUS leadership fail to deliver. There has been one national demonstration which involved no clear strategy about how we can win. The position of waiting until the general election in 2015 means abstaining from fighting now to defend our education.

9. The left has more influence at NUS Conference when it is united. One tactic could be drawing up common themes that the left could fight over.

10. Another tactic in this broader strategy is a united left slate for the NUS Elections. No one group has the right to declare or control the united left slate.

 

 

 

 

 

Conference resolves:

1.  To unite with other organisations – including NUS Liberation Campaigns, Student Broad Left and the Education Activist Network – to pressure the NUS to organise further actions to defend students and oppose cuts, fees, student debt and privatisation and to bring back EMA including a national demonstration in the autumn of 2013.

2.  To mandate the incoming NCAFC NC to work towards a united left challenge to the current NUS leadership in the elections for President and Vice Presidents at the forthcoming NUS National Conference 2013.

3.  If the NUS refuses/votes down proposals of actions to defend students, including a national demonstration in the autumn of 2013, the NCAFC should unite with other organisations – including the NUS Liberation Campaigns, supportive Students’ Unions, Bring Back EMA Campaign, Student Broad Left and the Education Activist Network – to organise these actions instead.

 

 

 

• Venezuela shows there is an alternative: free education as a

right

 

Student Broad Left

 

Conference believes:

 

1.  Venezuela is showing there is a real alternative to the cuts and privatisation driving back living standards in Europe.

2.  In Venezuela, for several decades prior to 1998, the majority of the population suffered at the hands of vicious neo-liberal policies, which saw poverty and inequality rise, and the oil wealth of the country used to enrich multinational companies and the Venezuelan elite.

3.  With the election of Hugo Chavez in 1998 – catapulted to victory by the mobilisation of enormous social movements -, a dramatic shift in priorities has followed.  The vast resources of Venezuela are now being used to improve the lives of ordinary people, rather than be siphoned off the make the rich richer.

4.  As a result over 5 million Venezuelans have been lifted out of poverty and 3 million from extreme poverty.

 

Conference further believes:

 

1.  Education has been a central priority for the government led by Hugo Chavez.

2.  One amazing achievement has been the eradication of illiteracy with 1.6 million adults having learnt to read and write, two-thirds of whom are women.

3.  Free education at all levels, including university is a constitutional right.

4. The level of government spending on education has soared from 3% of GDP in 1999 to 6% of a much larger GDP by 2011.

5.  The costs of education that once prevented many poor young people from completing their studies are no longer barriers.  Free nurseries have been opened and school enrolment is up 24% on 1998 levels.  This has been aided by free school meals, ending school fees and scrapping the compulsory purchase of school uniforms.

6.  In stark contrast to the process underway in Britain, Venezuela has widened access to a free university education.  It has more than trebled the number of university students to 2.2 million since 1998 and has built 40 new higher education institutions, many based in the local communities to make participation easier.

7.  From a past marked by educational exclusion, UNESCO figures show Venezuela now has the 5th highest level of university enrolment in the world, at 85%.  This is almost double that of Britain, where only 43% of young people are enrolled in higher education.

 

Conference resolves:

 

1.  To invite Student Friends of Venezuela to write an article for the NCAFC website to explain the achievements in expanding access to free education over the past decade by the Hugo Chavez-led government in Venezuela.

2.  To invite a speaker from the Venezuela Solidarity Campaign to the next NCAFC national event so that we can learn more about the inspiring example of how free education is the alternative to the neo-liberal model education being pursued in Britain and Europe.

 

 

• Fund Education Not War – Scrap Trident, Scrap Fees!

 

Student Broad Left

 

Conference notes:

 

1.  Britain still has the fourth largest military budget in the world – with over £33 billion per year being spent on weapons and war.

 

2.  For just a quarter of Britain’s annual military budget it would be possible to abolish tuition fees altogether, replace student loans with living grants and bring back the EMA.

 

3.  A further £2 billion per year is spent on maintaining Trident nuclear weapons system – which has the capacity to kill nearly 300 million people.

 

4.  Over the past decade hundreds of thousands of young people have been active in the movements against war and for global peace, from opposing the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to calling for an end to Britain’s nuclear weapons system.

 

Conference believes:

 

1.  Britain’s involvement in the wars on Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya have been a waste of money and a waste of many hundreds of thousands of lives, and caused huge devastation to the lives of millions more people in the Middle East.

 

2.  There are dangers of new wars being launched by the Western powers in the Middle East – the United States and Britain are particularly turning their attention to Syria and Iran.  These wars would bring even more death and destruction to the Middle East and could cost the British taxpayer billions of pounds.

 

Conference resolves:

 

1.  For the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts to work with the Stop the War Coalition and Student CND to campaign for the British government to change its twisted spending priorities and fund education not war, to scrap Trident and scrap tuition fees.

 

2.  For the National Campaign Against Fees & Cuts to send an open letter to the Foreign Secretary William Hague proposing that the government end the war on Afghanistan, refrain from launching new wars in the Middle East and use the money saved to fund free education and other public services.

NCAFC Conference Agenda

Saturday 11:00 Registration

11:30 Opening remarks

12:10 The fight for Further Education International students – for dignity, against deportations!, What’s happening to our Unis? An overview of HE attacks

1:30 Lunch (close of nominations)

2:10 Motions

3:20 Break

3:30 Disabled Students Caucus

4:10 Change the world – Organise at work! The lessons of the Quebec students’ struggle Defending abortion rights

5:10 National Committee Hustings

6:10 break

6:20 Womens Caucus

7:00 International Students’ Caucus

7:45 Close and social Sunday

9:30 Open discussion on NUS and national organising

10:30 Break

10:40 LGBT Caucus

11:20 The struggle to defend the Carpenters’ Estate, Workers’ Rights in your SU , Student union democracy – smashing “their” structures and building our own

12:35 Lunch 1:05 Motions

1:50 Black Power  Caucus

2:30 break

2:40 Saving the NHS, Postgraduate Students,  the democratic university

3:50 Closing remarks

4:00 Close